COMMENT | January 8, 2001
Democratic Vistas
by Gore Vidal
he Vice President to
Richard Nixon and bribe-taker to many, Spiro Agnew, was once inspired to
say, "The United States, for all its faults, is still the greatest nation
in the country." Today, even in the wake of the Supreme Court's purloining
of the election for the forty-third President, Spiro must be standing tall
among his fellow shades. Have we not come through, yet again? As we did in
1888 when Grover Cleveland's plurality of the popular vote was canceled by
the intricacies of the Electoral College, and as we even more famously did
in 1876 when the Democrat Samuel Tilden got 264,000 more votes than the
Republican Rutherford B. Hayes, whose party then challenged the votes in
Oregon, South Carolina, Louisiana and--yes, that slattern Florida. An
electoral commission chosen by Congress gave the election to the loser,
Hayes, by a single vote, the result of chicanery involving a bent Supreme
Court Justice appointed by the sainted Lincoln. Revolution was mooted but
Tilden retired to private life and to the pleasures of what old-time New
Yorkers used to recall, wistfully, as one of the greatest collections of
pornography in the Gramercy Park area of Manhattan.
PLAYBILL |
The current revival of Gore Vidal's The Best
Man ends its limited run on Broadway December 31 at
the Virginia Theater.
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Until December 12, we enjoyed a number of quietly corrupt elections,
decently kept from public view. But the current Supreme Court, in
devil-may-care mood, let all sorts of cats out of its bag--such as a total
commitment to what the far right euphemistically calls family values.
Justice Antonin Scalia--both name and visage reminiscent of a Puccini
villain--affirmed family values by not recusing himself from the Bush-Gore
case even though his son works for the same law firm that represented Bush
before the Court. Meanwhile, Justice Clarence Thomas's wife works for a
far-right think tank, the Heritage Foundation, and even as her husband
attended gravely to arguments, she was vetting candidates for office in
the Bush Administration.
Elsewhere, George W. Bush, son of a failed Republican President, was
entrusting his endangered Florida vote to the state's governor, his
brother Jeb.
On the other side of family values, the Gore clan has, at times,
controlled as many as a half-dozen Southern legislatures. They are also
known for their forensic skill, wit, learning--family characteristics the
Vice President modestly kept under wraps for fear of frightening the folks
at large.
American politics is essentially a family affair, as are most
oligarchies. When the father of the Constitution, James Madison, was asked
how on earth any business could get done in Congress when the country
contained a hundred million people whose representatives would number half
a thousand, Madison took the line that oligarchy's iron law always
obtains. A few people invariably run the show; and keep it, if they can,
in the family.
Finally, those founders, to whom we like to advert, had such a fear and
loathing of democracy that they invented the Electoral College so that the
popular voice of the people could be throttled, much as the Supreme Court
throttled the Floridians on December 12. We were to be neither a
democracy, subject to majoritarian tyranny, nor a dictatorship, subject to
Caesarean folly. John Adams said we were to be a nation of laws, not men,
which has since boiled down to a nation of lawyers, not people--or, at
least, of people who count or get counted in elections.
Another cat let out of the bag is the Supreme Court's dedication to the
1 percent that own the country. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor couldn't for
the life of her see why anyone would find the butterfly ballot puzzling.
The subtext here was, as it is so often with us, race. More votes were
invalidated by aged Votomatic machines in black districts than in white.
This made crucial the uncounted 10,000 Miami-Dade ballots that recorded no
presidential vote. Hence the speed with which the Bush campaign, loyally
aided and abetted by a 5-to-4 majority of the Supreme Court, invented a
series of delays to keep those votes from ever being counted because, if
they were, Gore would have won the election. Indeed he did win the
election until the Court, through ever more brazen stays and remands, with
an eye on that clock ever ticking, delayed matters until, practically
speaking, in the eyes of the five, if not all of the four, there was no
longer time to count, the object of an exercise that had sent trucks
filled with a million ballots from one dusty Florida city to the next, to
be kept uncounted.
During this slow-paced comedy, there was one riveting moment of truth
that will remain with us long after G.W. Bush has joined the lengthening
line of twilight Presidents in limbo. On the Wednesday before the Thursday
when we gave thanks for being the nation once hailed as the greatest by
Agnew, the canvassing board in Dade County was, on the orders of the
Florida Supreme Court, again counting ballots when an organized crowd
stormed into the county building, intimidating the counters and refusing
to give their names to officials. The Miami Herald, a respectable
paper, after examining various voting trends, etc. concluded that Gore had
actually carried Florida by 23,000 votes. The Herald plans to
examine those much-traveled ballots under Florida's "sunshine" law. I
suspect that the ballots and their chads will be found missing.
Thanksgiving came and went. The ballots toured up and down the Florida
freeways. Gore was accused of trying to steal an election that he had won.
The black population was now aware that, yet again, it had not been taken
into account. There had been hints. Under Florida law, anyone with a
criminal record--having been convicted of a felony--loses all civil
rights. Thousands of blacks were so accused and denied the vote; yet most
so listed were not felons or were guilty only of misdemeanors. In any
case, the calculated delays persuaded two of the four dissenting judges
that there was no time left to count.
Justice John Paul Stevens, a conservative whose principal interest
seems to be conserving our constitutional liberties rather than the
privileges of corporate America, noted in his dissent: "One thing,
however, is certain. Although we may never know with complete certainty
the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the
identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in
the judge as an impartial guardian of the rule of law."
What will the next four years bring? With luck, total gridlock. The two
houses of Congress are evenly split. Presidential adventurism will be at a
minimum. With bad luck (and adventures), Chancellor Cheney will rule. A
former Secretary of Defense, he has said that too little money now goes to
the Pentagon even though last year it received 51 percent of the
discretionary budget. Expect a small war or two in order to keep military
appropriations flowing. There will also be tax relief for the very rich.
But bad scenario or good scenario, we shall see very little of the
charmingly simian George W. Bush. The military--Cheney, Powell et
al.--will be calling the tune, and the whole nation will be on constant
alert, for, James Baker has already warned us, Terrorism is everywhere on
the march. We cannot be too vigilant. Welcome to Asunción.
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