Ivo Skoric on Sat, 17 Nov 2001 20:36:01 +0100 (CET) |
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[Nettime-bold] Re: Will missles return to sting? |
This sounds like a reasonable threat. Early in 1990's when Croatia became a country, there was a celebration on a Croatian merchant ship in the Red Hook harbour in Brooklyn. This was behind the US border, effectively. My friend and me got in driving his 14ft moving truck. We were waved in and out of area and nobody ever checked the truck - this would perhaps be impossible to imagine after 9-11. The truck was empty in both directions - but in theory the ship could have brought some Stinger missiles from Bosnia unused by mujahedeen, and we could have brought them back into the US, with no knowledge of the US authorities. And whenever I hit the surf at the Jones Beach remote West End I see a number of wide fuselage airliners coming from Europe flying low preparing for landing on JFK, easy targets - I always wondered whether the TWA flight 800 was shot down like that by a Stinger missile by some Al Qaeda or other terror group. ivo Date sent: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 03:28:32 -0500 Send reply to: International Justice Watch Discussion List <JUSTWATCH-L@LISTSERV.ACSU.BUFFALO.EDU> From: Daniel Tomasevich <danilo@MARTNET.COM> Subject: Will missles return to sting? To: JUSTWATCH-L@LISTSERV.ACSU.BUFFALO.EDU Will Stinger missles be used by anyone in Afghanistan? There are still many of them out there that the CIA wasn't able to purchase back. More than a decade after the Soviets left Afghanistan, some 300 to 600 Stinger missiles remain unaccounted for. Some CIA boosters attempt to downplay the threat by claiming that the batteries in the missiles have only a short shelf life. However, while researching at the National Security Archives, I uncovered a 1987 document from the U.S. Army Central Command stating clearly that "the BCU, the power source required to activate the Stinger, has a shelf life of at least 10 years, with a reliability rate of 98%-99%." Daniel (article not for cross posting) ------------------------------------------------------------- USA Today Wednesday, November 14, 2001 Editorial/Opinion "Will missiles return to sting?" By Alan J. Kuperman Federal investigators are treating the crash of American Airlines Flight 587 as an accident, and it may well turn out to be just that. But the possibility of a terrorist act crossed every mind when the news broke Monday that an airliner had dived into a New York neighborhood. There was instant speculation that the airliner might have been the victim of a bomb - or, even more ominously, a surface-to-air missile. Not likely this time, we are being assured. But the risk remains: No amount of heightened security within an airport will stop the launch of a man-portable surface-to-air missile from an off-site location. During takeoff and landings, lumbering civilian airliners are defenseless against such missiles, which have fallen into troublemakers' hands around the globe. Ironically, the roots of this missile proliferation lie in U.S. policy toward Afghanistan in the mid-1980s. At that time, the occupying Soviet army was using helicopters to batter the Afghan mujahedin rebels, our allies. After 2 years of heated debate, the United States in late 1986 provided the rebels one of our highest-technology weapons: the man-portable Stinger anti-aircraft missile. At first, the Stinger had a decisive impact, shooting down dozens of Soviet and Afghan military aircraft in a few months. In short order, however, the Red Army adopted a series of technical and tactical countermeasures that effectively nullified the Stinger. The Soviets retrofitted aircraft with flares, infrared beacons and exhaust baffles to disorient the missiles, and their pilots operated at night or employed terrain-hugging tactics to prevent the rebels from getting a clear shot. Within about a year, the Stinger became so ineffective that the rebels essentially stopped firing them. That's when the Central Intelligence Agency made a crucial error. Basking in the Stinger's early success, and apparently unaware that the rebels had stopped firing the missiles, the CIA provided the rebels hundreds more. With no immediate need for the missiles, the rebels either sold them at international arms markets or squirreled them away for future use. Thanks to this CIA mistake, the missiles spread to rebel and terrorist groups around the world. In 1987, it was reported that an Iranian boat had fired a Stinger that hit a U.S. helicopter in the Persian Gulf but failed to explode. In 1991, Tunisian fundamentalists reportedly used a Stinger in a failed assassination attempt. In the early 1990s, Stingers shot down aircraft in civil wars in Bosnia (twice) and Tajikistan, according to reliable accounts. In addition, an anti-aircraft missile was used in 1994 to shoot down the plane carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, triggering the Rwandan genocide. Media reports also indicate that Stingers have been acquired by Kashmiri militants, Indian Sikhs, the Iranian drug mafia, Iraq, Qatar, Zambia, North Korea, Libya and militant Palestinian groups. In addition, authorities have broken up plots to acquire the missiles by the Irish Republican Army, the Medellin cartel, Croatian rebels, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Chechen secessionists and Cuban exiles. The first President Bush tried to stop this hemorrhaging after it became clear that our former Afghan allies were linked to radical Islamic terrorists. He gave the CIA $10 million to buy back the Stingers, and when that proved inadequate, the agency got another $55 million in 1993. The CIA eventually retrieved a few dozen Stingers, but the main effect of the buyback program was to bid up the black-market price of the missile from its original value of $30,000 to as high as $200,000. Inadvertently, this enabled rebels and terrorists to sell Stingers back to the CIA at inflated prices and then to use the proceeds to buy even larger numbers of cheaper missiles at arms bazaars. To put this in context, the $65 million appropriated to the CIA to buy back a fraction of the leftover Stingers is about twice the Pentagon's original purchase price for all of the missiles provided to the rebels. More than a decade after the Soviets left Afghanistan, some 300 to 600 Stinger missiles remain unaccounted for. Some CIA boosters attempt to downplay the threat by claiming that the batteries in the missiles have only a short shelf life. However, while researching at the National Security Archives, I uncovered a 1987 document from the U.S. Army Central Command stating clearly that "the BCU, the power source required to activate the Stinger, has a shelf life of at least 10 years, with a reliability rate of 98%-99%." The scariest part is that civilian airliners are considerably more vulnerable than military aircraft to Stingers and other such missiles. They are bigger, slower and have no defense mechanisms, and areas adjacent to commercial airports are unguarded. Simply put, during takeoff and landing, airliners are sitting ducks for anyone able to get close to the airport with a functioning surface-to-air missile. To defend against the missile threat would be a major challenge. Only two methods are possible. First, civilian aircraft could be equipped with the same missile detectors, flares, infrared jammers and other countermeasures as military aircraft. This likely would cost billions of dollars, unbearable for an airline industry already reeling from the aftereffects of the recent terror attacks - unless the federal government footed the bill. Second, we could establish large exclusion zones around airports to prevent anyone on the ground from getting a shot while the plane remained within range below about 15,000 feet. However, this would be unfeasible at airports located in densely populated areas, such as those in New York, Los Angeles and Washington. To those cognizant of the missile threat during the past 15 years, it has been a pleasant surprise that few civilian airliners have been shot down by terrorists. Experts traditionally have explained our good fortune by saying that terrorists do not seek to kill large numbers of civilians, which would serve no political purpose. In the wake of Sept. 11, however, that reassuring assumption must be reassessed. Alan J. Kuperman, a visiting scholar at the University of Southern California's Center for International Studies, is the author of a 1999 Political Science Quarterly analysis of the Stinger missile and U.S. intervention in Afghanistan. _______________________________________________ Nettime-bold mailing list Nettime-bold@nettime.org http://amsterdam.nettime.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/nettime-bold