Brian Holmes on 4 Feb 2001 01:58:23 -0000 |
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<nettime> Privacy Anyone? |
Ana, I was struck by the concerns of your post, some of which I think I share, and I am curious to know the reasoning behind the way you equate borders, loss of privacy, and the ability to block someone out ("The creation of borders is dependent on the loss of privacy, for you cannot block someone out unless you have some information about who they are"). I may not understand correctly, but it seems to me there is a contradiction in the way you end your post: [snip] "The attempt to create frontiers on the Net (and this time not wild-west ones) is directly, although not exclusively, related to privacy. The discourse on the creation of borders takes many forms: national sovereignty, security, law, taxation, etc. But it can be reduced, in a very basic form, to the balance between the right to privacy and all the above mentioned issues. Check out, for example, the new European/international Cybercrime Law. If one wants to maintain a border-free internet then dismissing privacy concerns is definitely the wrong approach." [snip] The reason I wonder about this has to do with the very problem that has motivated the debate in this whole thread: Nortel's information-gathering software. There is a paradox here: How could any right to privacy be instituted and maintained if it were not possible to gather information about Nortel and use it to "block" the company from commercializing its software and/or services? To be concerned about Nortel is to want to put a block on their software, no? But given that a corporation has "rights" in the neoliberal order, the same rights as any other actor in the marketplace/world, what can justify putting a border around it? This question does not mean I am particularly in favor of, say, the unqualified assertion of national sovereignty in the realm of internet communications (as some assumed after an earlier post of mine) or that I am not concerned about the abuses of privacy in the recent international Cybercrime Law. But I am very much in favor of finding a way to block the actions of corporations like Nortel which aim at commodifying our privacy, not by bordering our actions in any way of course, but by turning them in the "lifetime value" that can be extracted out of a known, monitored, predictable and stimulable consumer. And then there is a second matter, very different from the first, where it really is a question of getting blocked by a state power, a la Kafka. I think it's better not to confuse the two, state and corporate power, but let me say I am also very much in favor of ways to keep nations or supernational entities from mining my personal data and using it against me on ideological grounds. In other words, I want certain statutory borders around _myself_ and the sphere of my interrelations with others. I want certain rights more powerful than those of the corporations and the states. How do you suppose that we can erect _those_ borders and effect those blocks? Because after all, it's going to have to be some kind of "we" that gets the ball rolling, no individual is going to beat the gov'ts and big corps. I am sure that only some kind of legitimate institution can block Nortel and its like, when that institution has at its disposal some kind of constraining force (a force which itself, of course, may become dangerous to my privacy: ex. the CIA). I am also sure that if we continue to live in a world of internet communications and transnational economic exchanges, then that privacy-protecting institution must ultimately become global in scope. If (but only if) we agreed on that, then the next question would obviously be one of strategy: What is the best way to go about getting an effective-but-not-too-dangerous global (gasp) regulatory institution? I think, in this case as in so many others, the strategy is complex: it usually involves contesting the legitimacy of existing global regulatory structures (most of which favor big business and the police/military apparatus of states), then bringing the issue back to national institutions where often (but not always) more democratic/egalitarian procedures are inscribed into, then going back to transform the transnational level with the force of a judgement made on the national level. _Or doing the reverse_, in the case where the democratic/egalitarian potential of the global institution is stronger. In either case, some kinds of "borders" are going to have to be accepted, and worked with (or around). The balance indeed becomes the issue. Which is just part of what of what Polanyi called "freedom in a complex society." best, Brian Holmes # distributed via <nettime>: no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@bbs.thing.net and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@bbs.thing.net