Frederick Noronha on Thu, 15 Apr 1999 23:51:55 +0200 (CEST) |
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<nettime> GOA: Right to Information, one year later |
NOTE: Goa is India's smallest state, located on the west coast of this country, and is a former Portuguese colony now better known worldwide as a tourist destination. -FN/Goa. ******************************************************** THE GOA RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT, ONE YEAR ON By Robert Jenkins and Anne Marie Goetz -------------------------------------------------------- From TRANSPARENCY..., New Delhi, March 1999 ******************************************************** While some people struggle for a right to information, others have it thrust upon them. In mid-1997 the Congress chief minister of Goa, Pratapsing Rane, announced that his government would soon introduce right-to-information legislation. Goa's activists and press corps were caught off-guard. When the press finally obtained a copy of the bill -- ironically, through a leak from sources within the bureaucracy -- they discovered a number of draconian provisions, which had little to do with increasing accountability. One clause provided for fines for those who used information obtained under the act for "malafide purposes". Many felt that this clause revealed the government's true intent: intimidation of the press. After the Bill was passed in mid-1997, the Goa Union of Journalists orchestrated a successful mobilization of civil society against the 'offending provisions' of the Act. This resulted in amendments, and by early 1998 Goa's citizens had an Act explicitly guaranteeing a right to information. "Competent authorities" were identified for each government department all the way down to the gram panchayat. Also included were a stipulated period within which requests for information must be processed, and a procedure adjudicating appeals against requests. The question facing Goa is whether it can generate a demand-side response to this newly available facility. One of the most striking aspects of the Goan case is the lack of a concerted campaign or mobilization for the introduction of an RTI act prior to the government's initiative. Access to information has been a long-standing preoccupation of many activist organisations: environmental groups like the Goa Foundation and Nirmal Vishwa; civil rights groups such as the All-Goa Citizens' Committee for Social Justice and Action (AGCCSJA); or women's organizations like Bailancho Saad. However, they have sought information itself -- relating to specific cases and issues -- as opposed to campaigning for a "right" to information, in the form of legislation or regulatory change. All of these groups supported the right-to-information agitation in late 1997, but with the exception of AGCCSJA, have made limited or no use of the Act itself. Even the press, once it had defended its rights of free expression, has not made use of its provisions. A few forays into the domain of investigative journalism have seen reporters file requests for information, but on the whole, it is generally agreed among Goa's journalists that most reporters would not want to upset their established channels of privileged disclosure with government officials by seeming to be too confrontational. Though organisations have been slow to respond, a wide array of individuals have sought to assert their newly conferred right. After a year on the books, the Goa Right to Information Act (GRIA) has generated about 400 applications for government documents. Many applications are related to inquiries about potentially illegal constructions. Some applications involve clearances given to polluting industries. And many are inquiries into the application of licensing or taxation rules to the properties and businesses of certain individuals, presumably with a view to exposing favouritism. Probably the most active user of the Act has been the All-Goa Citizens' Committee for Social Justice and Action (AGCCSJA), whose spokesman, Mr M.K.Jos, has filed 28 applications on the Associations' behalf. AGCCSJA has pursued many causes of public misconduct, using both the right to information legislation and a range of statutory grievance mechanisms. A particularly striking case in which access to information assisted the AGCCSJA in pursuing malfeasance concerned the alleged misdeeds of a district cooperative bank. By obtaining a copy of an independent audit report which supplied details of the bank's mismanagement, the AGCCSJA was able to generate considerable negative publicity for the politician who controlled the bank, a former minister in the central government, who went on to lose the subsequent election. So far, most of AGCCSJA's applications under the GRIA appear to target poor government decision-making in sectors. About one-third of its applications involve cases of alleged patronage and nepotism in appointments, promotions, and service conditions in higher and secondary education. Other petitions relate to building permits and subsidies for hotels, which violate planning and environmental codes, to toxic waste emitted by a zinc factory, and to the role of an IAS (Indian Administrative Services) officer in a lottery scam. Despite their middle-class orientation, these concerns, particularly those relating to the education system, involve strategic aspects of the state's claims to legitimacy. One association in Goa which does focus on socially excluded groups has made concerted and successful use of the GRIA. The Gomantak Bahujan Samaj Parishad, a federation of OBC (other backward castes) associations, has used the new right to information provisions to expose the politically motivated (and allegedly illegal) process by which OBC status was granted to a large and, according to the GBSP, 'forward' caste. An advocate representing the GBSP, filed a petition under the GRIA to see the notes and minutes of the Cabinet meeting in which the decision was made. What he found was enough to win the writ petition he then filed before the High Court. One of the Cabinet notes prepared by the Social Welfare Ministry showed that the Congress Legislature Party, and not the legally sanctioned Goa State Commission for Backward Classes, had decided to award OBC-status to this group. The decision, not incidentally, was made just before a national election, and the caste group in question was known to support the ruling Congress. Such decisions are not meant to be made by political parties, and the High Court issued a stay on the notification in question, following the presentation of the GBSP's evidence. The GBSP subsequently used the GRIA to research compliance with current rules on reservations by requesting information from all government departments and agencies about their staff composition. Willingness to divulge this information has varied widely across the government. Some departments have not responding at all, violating the 30-day time limit. Others have responded with a full list of names of employees and their designations. There is enormous variation in charges levied for this information. Some departments have not made any charge, while others have made seemingly arbitrary and sometimes significant charges -- charges for 'processing fees', for instance, or for 'the cost of arranging the inspection of documents'. The Registrar of Cooperative Societies charged Rs 2000, and the Director of Education Rs 1630. One agency, the Economic Development Corporation, has issued a string of objections to the request, on the grounds that the petitioner did not qualify as a 'citizen' under the act, that the information requested was not clearly in the public interest, that the GRIA did not permit 'fishing or roving inquiries of a general nature relating to the affairs of bodies within its purview', and that the information sought relates to commercial secrets protected by law. These variations are, at one level, just the teething pains of an administration adjusting to a new procedure. But they may also represent efforts by some departments to 'claw back' some of their perquisites by making it more difficult for people to use the GRIA. In January 1999 the Directorate of Information intervened to impose some uniformity at least in the charges levied for information, circulating an order imposing a Rs 100 charge for processing fees for each request, and a photocopying charge of Rs 2 per page. Many aspects of this order -- it was not announced to the public or discussed with the State Information Council -- has alarmed people who had hoped the GRIA might become more widely used by underpriviledged groups, who are likely to be deterred by the cost implications. One of the emerging issues in the use of the GRIA is how to define 'personal information', the revelation of which would be an unwarranted invasion of privacy. One user of the GRIA in a village near Panaji -- Socorro -- has encountered this charge repeatedly. A small group (which includes one dissident panchayat member) convinced that the local sarpanch is corrupt, attempted to obtain a range of panchayat-level documents. The particular matter over which the issue of 'personal information' has been raised concerned taxation. The suspicion motivating these requests is that the sarpanch and his cronies are underpaying on house tax, the insinuation being that there has been underassessment involving abuse of authority for private gain. The panchayat secretary, the designated authority for information sharing under the GRIA, has refused to release the tax records and land survey documents on the grounds that this is personal information, the revelation of which would serve no 'public interest'. This is one of the clauses that make experts think that Goa's act is flawed, for it provides an excuse which can be ruthlessly abused. But even with such a provision, it should be possible for an applicant to make the case that matters of revenue, precisely because they bear so heavily on the availability of funds for collective endeavors, should always be treated as in the 'public interest'. One potential way of reducing the impact of constraints such as seemingly arbitrary imposition of fees, or the invocation of the 'personal information' objection to disclosure, is monitoring. Legally, this is supposed to be done by a 'State Information Council' which includes representatives from NGOs and the Press. So far, the SIC has only had one meeting, with the subsequent meeting repeatedly postponed. Grievances are mounting, however, and some women's and other organizations are preparing a well-documented submission regarding bureaucratic resistance for the next meeting. One major issue to be discussed in the deterrent effect of the new processing and photocopying charges. But of more importance will be the on-going debate over the range of information for which citizens can legitimately apply. In the first SIC meeting, the government repeatedly stressed anxieties over the way the GRIA could be used to settle individual scores by delving into personal material. When the NGO and Press representatives countered that such requests often exposed forms of corruption and favouritism about which the public has a right to know, the Chief Minister reportedly retorted that the GRIA "is not an anti- corruption act". But some individuals and groups in Goa think otherwise. In addition, some see this as an opportunity to promote a broader change in the culture of secrecy and obstruction which ordinary citizens face when dealing with bureaucrats. Bailancho Saad, for instance, is continuing to promote a broader interpretation of citizens' rights to government information. They want to see a culture of automatic information disclosure, not grudging information release in response to individual petitions. For instance, they suggest that all government studies, commissioned reports, and departmental budgets be made available as a matter of course to the public through information centres. The chances that the GRIA will catalyse a perceptible increase in government transparency will depend upon the creation of a civil society constituency committed to its application to anti-corruption cases. The petitions under the GRIA do not yet add up to a concerted campaign against corruption affecting less privileged constituencies. In fact, there is also a viewpoint that it is a right for liberals and literates, and can allow individuals to seek privileged information without involving the broader community. While this line of thinking is open to debate, it clearly highlights that the connections between a liberal civil right like the right to information, and the broader social, economic, and political rights -- particularly rights to livelihood and basic services -- have not been established yet. For this to be visible to broader social groups, use of the GRIA will have to extend to government services and arenas affecting poorer groups, such as anti-poverty schemes, agriculture, water supply and sanitation, primary education, health and of course, the village panchayats. ******************************************************* The authors are conducting a three-year study of grassroot movements and government initiatives for transparency across India. Rob Jenkins and Anne Marie Goetz can be contacted at rjenkins@beaconsfield.u-net.com or drrobjenkins@hotmail.com FOOTNOTE: For an free email copy of the Goa Right to Information Act, contact <fred@goa1.dot.net.in> --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@desk.nl and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@desk.nl