Geert Lovink on Fri, 21 May 1999 17:59:54 +0200 (CEST) |
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<nettime> geertogram 052199 [digest]: tageszeitung, KA radio, stratfor update |
Geert Lovink <geert@xs4all.nl> (fwd) Die Tageszeitung (Berlin) 19 May 1999 [in english] (fwd) LA radio event (fwd) Stratfor Global Intelligence Update (May 17, 1999) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Date: Fri, 21 May 1999 07:51:27 +0200 (CEST) From: Geert Lovink <geert@xs4all.nl> Subject: (fwd) Die Tageszeitung (Berlin) 19 May 1999 [in english] Die Tageszeitung (Berlin) 19 May 1999 Commentary by Ruediger Rossig "Without Germans! -- FRG Combat Units Could Only Do Damage in the Former Yugoslavia" Until now, politicians from every German party have forcefully rejected participation by the Bundeswehr in a NATO ground troop deployment in Yugoslavia. The question is just for how long. In view of the fact that after eight weeks of bombing President Milosevic is more firmly in the saddle than ever before, and the "ethnic cleansing" of Kosovo has almost been concluded, the discussion about combat deployment continues, of course. And if it should come to that, alliance loyalists in Bonn will also be sent a reminder. The question of what a combat operation by German soldiers in the Balkans means to people there appears to be getting lost in this context. As a reminder: on 6 April 1941 the German Luftwaffe attacked Belgrade without warning. More people died then than in the bombings of Warsaw, Coventry and Rotterdam combined, In the fall of that same year German soldiers murdered 4,000 people in one day in Kraljevo and Kragujevac -- 100 civilians in "retribution" for every fallen German soldier. At the end of 1941 there were up to 30,000 murdered civilians for 438 fallen or missing Germans. In view of this past history, it ought to be clear that any participation by the Bundeswehr in NATO combat operations in Serbia would damage the peace. And this is less because they would supply Milosevic with propaganda material by reaching back to German fascism. More importantly, the sight of German uniforms recalls a collective trauma among many Yugoslavs -- which could cause many Serbs to close ranks with a regime which many of them had previously questioned. A strengthening of the Serbian will to hold out cannot be in the interest of NATO, however -- even less in that of the FRG. The Germans have just succeeded in eliminating old reservations in the former Yugoslavia through a constructive Bosnia operation. Since 1996 Bundeswehr soldiers there have in fact built confidence in the democratic Germany by repairing houses, building bridges and operating the largest field hospital in the Balkans. A combat deployment in Serbia would destroy this invaluable achievement for the future image of the Germans in southeast Europe. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Date: Fri, 21 May 1999 08:01:46 +0200 (CEST) From: Geert Lovink <geert@xs4all.nl> Subject: (fwd) LA radio event From: Nalini Lasiewicz <LasiewiczN@AOL.COM> To: JUSTWATCH-L@LISTSERV.ACSU.BUFFALO.EDU Subject: LA Radio Event, Sunday May 23 After nearly eight years of almost deafening silence, the So. California progressive left has finally decided to get involved in the Balkan War. Unfortunately, some of the leaders in the community are so new to this topic, they don't even know that it's Slobodan Milosevic's war.....they think it's Bill Clinton's war. And now they are going to teach us all about it. Many on the left will have us believe that the U.S. is only in this campaign because we are war-mongering in the Balkans just so NATO could have a new mission and so that the global military complex will be given a shot in the arm, so to speak. The Ex. Director of one of the sponsoring groups told me today that we should end this cynical NATO campaign, immediately, and stop "going all around the world bombing hospitals." The issue and policy statements that have been released from this new ad-hoc peace collition speak about things like "500,000 Serbs were brutally ethnically cleansed from Krajina" and other disinformation. They demand a return of refugees, but they haven't any clue as to how that could be accomplished. Presumably, the past eight years of UN and EU and international negotiations have "not been done in good faith." When the first roster of 16 speakers was released last week, the organizers were hit with some fierce complaints over what appeared to be an 8-to-1 ratio between those who oppose the NATO intervention and those who see the need for strong military force to stop the Milosevic regime. Not exactly an fair mix of opinions at that time. After some arm twisting, the organizers did invite the Nation's own UN correspondent, Ian Williams and others who have been active on the Balkan issue throughout the 1990's so the roster is now more balanced. This 4-hour event is expecting an audience of 600. In my opinon, the roster still contains some shocking surprises......not the least of which is that not a single Kosovar or Albanian has been invited. (Perhaps the ferocious self-titled Serbian-American spokesman, Bill Dorich, or the new darling of the humanitarian movement, Ariana Huffington, can "teach us" what the Kosovars might need. :) Sorry, just a little sarcasm there.) Call your local public radio station to see if they are planning to carry this event. For more details on the satellite information, you might call KPFK at 818/985-2711 and maybe they can help get your local station to air this unique broadcast. Submitted by: Nalini Lasiewicz Lasiewicz Foundation tel: 323/668-1811 ================================== For Immediate Release - May 1999 >From the web site: http://www.socalada.org/ Contact: Jim Clarke, Ex Dir, So Cal Americans for Democratic Action 323/651-4440 NATIONAL TEACH IN & LIVE RADIO SHOW On the War in Yugoslavia and U.S. Military Policy Co-hosted by Southern California Americans for Democratic Action "The largest and most active chapter of the nation's oldest, independent liberal political organization", The Nation Institute and public radio station, KPFK. This live event will be broadcast on KPFK-90.7FM in So. Calif and fed by satallite to some 300 public radio stations throughout the US, making is a truly national event. Panelists: Ramsey Clark Former U. S. Attorney General Arianna Huffington syndicated columnist & author Tom Hayden California State Senator Dennis Kucinich U.S. Congressman (D-OH) George Kenney Former Yugoslavia Desk Officer, U.S. State Dept. Lila Garrett President So. Calif. Americans for Democratic Action Rabbi Steven Jacobs Member Rev. Jesse Jackson Peace delegation Harold Meyerson L. A. Weekly Executive William Dorich Serbian Journalist & Author "Kosovo" Christopher Layne MacArthur Foundation Fellow Ben Schwarz Former executive editor World Policy Journal Richard Becker Western Reg. Dir., International Action Center Saul Landau Pacifica Radio correspondent Blase Bonpane Office of the Americas Richard Walden CEO, Operation USA Jim Lafferty Exec. Dir., National Lawyers Guild Peter Antonijevic Yugoslav-American Council Salam Al-Mayarati Muslim Public Affairs Council - So. Calif. Robert Scheer L.A. Times Robert Farrell Forner L.A. City Council Member Saul Halpert Former TV Broadcaster Vera Cecilio, MD Eric Mann Labor /Community Strategy Center Raoul O'Connell UCLA Students Against the War Mark Schubb General Manager, KPFK Ian Williams UN Correspondent for the Nation Marc Cooper - Moderator The Nation & radio station KPFK ---partial list of speakers--- Sponsored by So. Calif. Americans for Democratic Action, public radio station KPFK (FM 90.7) & The Nation Institute. Sunday, May 23, 1999 3:00 - 7:00 p.m. Leo Baeck Temple 1300 N. Sepulveda Blvd. West Los Angeles (across from the Getty Center) Suggested donation $10 For Reservations call 323-852-9190 (Reserved & pre-paid tickets held at the door. Limited number of tickets will be available at the event.) On-site and off-site parking with shuttle. Please arrive before 2:00 - 2:15 p.m. Bus stop at the Temple for Santa Monica Municipal Bus Lines #14 & MTA #561 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Date: Fri, 21 May 1999 10:48:52 +0200 (CEST) From: Geert Lovink <geert@xs4all.nl> Subject: (fwd) Stratfor Global Intelligence Update (May 17, 1999) STRATFOR's Global Intelligence Update Weekly Analysis May 17, 1999 China, Russia, and the Politics of Manic-Depression Summary Over the past few weeks, Russia and China have engaged in intense, manic-depressive foreign policy, shifting between sullen quiet, to near war-frenzy, to friendly cooperation. Before one prescribes medications, this behavior should be seen as the natural, terminal maneuvers of powers that are trying to get the West's attention and are not quite sure what to do with that attention once they get it. It is not that the behavior is not ominous. It represents the process of great powers going into opposition to a super-power. But the behavior is the symptom, not the problem itself. The problem is that the structure of the international system dictates an anti-American Russo-Chinese alliance, and very little can stop that. Analysis It has been fascinating over the past two weeks to observe the gyrations of China and Russia, as they carry out their terminal maneuvers on the way to an anti-American, anti-Western alliance. Right after the bombing of Kosovo began Russia went ballistic, in its more extreme moments even threatening the United States with nuclear war. China remained sullen but relatively quiet. Then Russia turned mellow, trying to work with the West while China went ballistic over the bombing of the Embassy and a host of other issues. It is amazing the extremes at which both countries are operating their foreign policies at the moment. The intense mood swings are, of course, calculated and have rational goals. Russia and China individually are trying to achieve three things. = =20 First, they want to get the attention and concern of the United States and the major powers linked to the United States, like Germany and Japan. =20 Second, they want to generate a substantial level of concern within the United States concerning the direction of relations with each of them. =20 Russia and China both hope to increase their leverage within the relationship and ideally extract political and, more important, financial concessions from a concerned United States that is hoping to appease them and avoid a new Cold War. Finally, they hope to create serious fear among America's allies, like Japan and Germany, concerning trends in U.S. foreign policy, in the hope of being able to split the American alliance, further weakening the United States. Thus, periodically, each generates a major confrontation with the United States in which it appears that a catastrophic collision is about to take place. They then allow themselves to be placated by the United States and its allies, extracting economic concessions in return for politico-military quiescence. The trick for each is to recreate the image of the Cold War as a reminder of the bad old days. The Russian announcement that the Black Sea Fleet would sortie, and mobs of Chinese hurling stones at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, all served to remind everyone how bad things could get. That set the stage for the next phase, which was bargaining on the price for not letting things get that bad. We do not believe that Russia and China are cooperating on this. Quite the contrary. In a certain sense, they are now competitors for the West's limited attentions. Particularly in Washington, where the ability to handle multiple foreign policy issues is at a historical low point, getting priority treatment requires threats of nuclear war and riots in front of embassies. The similarity in Russia's and China's behavior has much more to do with the similarity of their strategic and economic positions relative to the United States than it does to do with conspiracy. Both need the same thing from the United States and the West: financial help and collaboration. Neither will get as much as they want and need, based strictly on economic considerations. Each needs to find levers to extract more. Thus, in an odd sense, they are competitors, posturing intensely to try to get attention and help. Consider Russia's maneuvering. Immediately after the beginning of the Serbian war, it appeared that Primakov's Russia was about to launch a new Cold War. Yeltsin brilliantly allowed Primakov to position Russia in complete and hostile opposition to NATO. He then brought Chernomyrdin out of retirement. Chernomyrdin, an old stalwart of the reform days, appeared to be a dinosaur out of the past. Chernomyrdin delivered two messages. =20 The first was that there was still a chance at reform in Russia. The second was that Russia would help NATO in Kosovo in return for financial aid. Suddenly, $4.5 billion was shaken loose; not enough to bring Milosevic to the peace table, but enough to cause Yeltsin to dump Primakov and appoint a new Prime Minister of ambiguous ideology. Outmaneuvering the communists in the Duma by getting Zhironovsky to double cross them (the price for that is not yet clear), Yeltsin is now in a position to bargain with the West. Indeed, Michael Camdessus, head of the IMF, said on Sunday that the IMF was now ready to work with Russia on additional funding. Of course, Camdessus also said that Russia would have to institute new reforms in order to get that money. The new Prime Minister said on Sunday "Everything is simple here. Once the Duma passes legislation and endorses the new government, loans will start coming." Stepashin, of course, is still euphoric at the prospect of becoming Prime Minister, and he is not thinking as clearly as he should. Obviously, the Duma must pass new legislation in order to get the IMF to grant new loans. But that legislation will include massive austerity in an already impoverished Russia, as well as a battle for taxes with oligarchs busy shipping money to the West. If it were really that easy, it would have been done months ago. This is the problem with all of this maneuvering. It is pointless. No matter how much money the West provides, Russia cannot recover from its problems because those problems are deeply rooted structural and cultural defects in the Russian system that make it impossible for it to, if you will, metabolize money effectively. Put differently, if it doesn't turn into capital, it doesn't become productive. Money sent to Russia remains money to be spent on imported luxuries, used to bribe opposition politicians, or stolen. It does not create economic growth. Thus, the maneuvering gets the West's attention followed by ineffective assistance, inertia, and the return to the crisis stage. China is a similar case, albeit far from as hopeless economically. Nevertheless, after a series of entirely unsatisfactory bilateral meetings at several levels, tremendous criticism from the United States on human rights, the investigation of Chinese financial aid to Bill Clinton, the espionage scandal and a general decline in relations, the Chinese saw the bombing of their embassy as a marvelous opportunity to redefine their relations with the United States. Taking a page from Moscow's book, they recreated the world prior to the rise of Deng Xiaping, complete with howling mobs and resolutions condemning American hegemonism. The bombing of the Embassy, had it happened in 1991 in Baghdad, would have been managed with a harsh protest and an apology. In 1999, it was turned into opera by a China hoping to make its point. That got the U.S.'s attention but, as with Russia, it was not clear what the Chinese wanted that the U.S. and the West could give them. Everyone rushed forward to see what could be done about World Trade Organization membership for China. However, given the structural dynamics of 1999 as opposed to 1995 and given China's unofficial economic crisis, it was not clear what WTO membership would do for China. It was also unclear what else could be rationally offered. Massive new investments on the order of the earlier years of the decade are hardly likely when the U.S. economy is so attractive and investors in China are merely hoping to break even at some point. Nevertheless, China's Cold War posturing is every bit as impressive as was Russia's. For example, the May 13 South China Morning Post reported that China is abandoning the low- key foreign policy established by Deng Xiaoping and moving toward a more aggressive approach. The shift in policy, unnamed sources said in the report, was made following the NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade. It was partially in response to student demonstrations against the U.S. Embassy in China. The source said, "In internal talks, Politburo members expressed fears that the students would next stage protests against a 'weak central Government' unless Beijing counters threats to national security." The idea that China would take a knee-jerk decision in reaction to a group of students throwing rocks at a foreign embassy and totally reverse a foreign policy that has stood for ten years is unlikely. Instead, China is using the opportunity presented by the anti-American demonstrations to declare to the world that the U.S. and NATO are forcing China into a new role, despite the fact that it has already been pursuing this new policy for some time. In response to China's overstated warnings of being forced by its own citizens into a more aggressive stance, the U.S. is planning to send in a former admiral as the new ambassador to China. The choice of a military man to take the position reflects the administration's view of the potential Chinese threat. More importantly, the prospective nominee for ambassador to China is Admiral Joseph Prueher, commander of the U.S. Pacific Force from 1996 to March 1999. While Prueher was instrumental in expanding Chinese-U.S. military cooperation and exchanges, he was also in charge in 1996 when the U.S. sent carriers into the Taiwan Strait to demonstrate U.S. resolve vis-=85-vis Chinese interference in Taiwan's elections. This makes Prueher a prime candidate in dealing with China who is unlikely to be strenuously opposed by the Republican-dominated Congress. The real danger here is that during these periodic, ritual chest- thumping episodes, the situation might genuinely get out of hand. Yeltsin skillfully reigned in the anti-Western forces he helped unleash. The old fox never ceases to amaze us. However, he will go to the well one time too many, and unleash forces that even he can't control. The same is true in China. The leadership can whip up anti-American frenzy on demand. It is not clear that they will always be able to control it. In the end, it won't matter. The tendency toward anti-Americanism and therefore to some form of alliance is, we believe, irreversible. The path toward that end, however, is twisted and quite noisy. The noise, whether from Moscow or Beijing, is not the real issue. There is lightning behind the thunder. ___________________________________________________ To receive free daily Global Intelligence Updates, sign up on the web at: http://www.stratfor.com/services/giu/subscribe.asp or send your name, organization, position, mailing address, phone number, and e-mail address to alert@stratfor.com ___________________________________________________ STRATFOR, Inc. 504 Lavaca, Suite 1100 Austin, TX 78701 Phone: 512-583-5000 Fax: 512-583-5025 Internet: http://www.stratfor.com/ --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@desk.nl and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@desk.nl