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--> personajes dentro de esta odisea tra(ns)duccional en un acto:
sangre derramada=Gore
jorge arbusto= adivinen quien?

----

View Original Web Page (http://www.realchange.org/bushjr.htm )


Armario Esquelético Del Jr. Del Arbusto

Jorge Arbusto tiene gusto de presentarse como recto-hablar, individuo
regular. Sino como un analista dicho, el arbusto y la sangre derramada se
parecen haberse dividido encima de la personalidad de Bill Clinton. La
sangre derramada consiguió la parte estudiosa wonky y el arbusto consiguió
encantar, rogue diabólico. Desafortunadamente, mira como él consiguió el
weaselly playboy con un armario lleno de pieza de los esqueletos, también.

Ser justa con la comparación, la sangre derramada ha sido wonky y estudiosa
solamente como político; en escuela, sus grados no estaban mucho mejor que
forraron.

Chasque encendido la alegación de su opción:



-- condenado por conducir borracho. Mentido en varias ocasiones para cubrir
encima de su detención.

-- mintiendo bajo juramento. Investigación de la parada del arbusto y del
personal de la compañía enorme de la funeraria del contribuidor.

-- las secuencias tiradas para evitar Vietnam, y consiguieron el tratamiento
favorable

-- corrupción del gobierno de Tejas: Estado $$ para los proveedores de
fondos de la campaña y los cronies del negocio

-- cocaína: ¿el uso de la droga del crimen, la hipocresía vile, y a hushed
encima de la detención?

-- su comportamiento "joven e irresponsable": sexo, drogas y (grito de
asombro!) ¿rock and roll?

-- enrarezca pelado: censura a sus críticos con el policía, abogados,

-- carácter: Cabrito rico estropeado que vive de su nombre y de la
reputación de familia

-- millones hechos en repartos del negocio del iniciado, para poco trabajo
-- -- reparto # 1. Beneficios personales de las compañías petroleras que
fallan
-- -- -- -- Dinero Fácil De Fuentes Impares
-- -- -- -- Un Reparto De la Sorpresa De Bahrein
-- -- -- -- tenga acceso consejero de la seguridad el presidente y al
nacional para su socio de negocio extranjero
-- -- reparto # 2. Vendiendo Acción De Aceite Momentos antes De Iraq
Invadido: ¿conjetura afortunada o el negociar ilegal del iniciado?
-- -- reparto # 3. Una rebanada grande de un equipo del béisbol
-- -- -- - - hipocresía: usar la coerción del gobierno para hacer su fortuna
privada

-- cotizaciones

-- fuentes


Cotizaciones
"una de las iniciativas interesantes que hemos tomado en Washington, C.C.,
es nosotros tiene estos dispositivos vampiro-que revientan. Un vampiro es el
reparto que usted puede enchufar la pared para cargar su teléfono "-- Denver
de la célula, CO. de agosto el 14 de 2001 de la célula del a--a

"bien, es un honor unimaginable a ser el presidente durante el cuarto de
julio de este país. Significa lo que dicen estas palabras, para los
arrancadores. Las grandes derechas inalienables de nuestro país. Nos
bendicen con tales valores en América. E I -- es -- soy un hombre orgulloso
ser la nación basada sobre tal visitar de los valores maravillosos "-- el
monumento de Jefferson, Washington, C.C., de julio el 2 de 2001

"pasamos África mucho tiempo que hablaba, como debemos. África es una nación
que sufre de enfermedad increíble "-- después de satisfacer con a los
líderes de la unión europea, Gothenburg, Suecia, de junio el 14 de 2001

"es muy importante que la gente entienda que cuando hay más comercio, allí
es más comercio" -- la ciudad de Quebec, Canadá, de abril el 21 de 2001


"he acuñado la nueva cena de la asociación de los correspondientes de la
Radio-Televisio'n de las palabras, como, el entender mal y de
Hispanically." --, Washington, C.C., de marcha la 29 de 2001

"soy atento no solamente de preservar las energías ejecutivas para me, pero
para los precursores como bien" -- Washington, C.C., de enero el 29 de 2001

"entonces fui para un funcionamiento con el otro perro y acabo de camino. Y
comencé a pensar de muchos de cosas. Podía -- no puedo recordar cuáles era.
Oh, el discurso inaugural, comenzado a pensar con ése "-- entrevista
Pre-inaugural con las noticias y el informe del mundo, de enero el 22, de
ESTADOS UNIDOS edición 2001

la "redefinición del papel de los Estados Unidos de enablers para guardar la
paz a los enablers para guardar la paz de peacekeepers va a ser una
entrevista con los tiempos de York nueva, de enero el 14 de 2001 de la
asignación" -- (los gracias a Rachael Contorer.)

"el crujido de California realmente es el resultado de no bastantes plantas
power-generating y entonces de no bastante energía de accionar la energía de
la entrevista con los tiempos de York nueva, de enero el 14 de 2001 de las
plantas de generación" --

"misunderestimated me" -- Bentonville, arca, de noviembre el 6 de 2000

"conozco cómo está difícilmente para que usted ponga el alimento en su
familia" -- mayor Nashua, N.H., Cámara de Comercio, de enero el 27 de 2000

"sé que el y los pescados del ser humano pueden coexistir
peacefully."-Saginaw, Mich., de sept. el 29 de 2000

"la gran cosa sobre América es todos si vote."-Austin, Tejas, de diciembre
el 8 de 2000

"es claramente un presupuesto. Tiene muchos de números en él "-- Reuters, de
mayo el 5 de 2000

"está raramente la pregunta hecha: Son nuestros niños learning?"-Florencia,
S.C., de enero el 11 de 2000

"entiendo el crecimiento de la pequeña empresa. Era noticias diarias de
one."-New York, de febrero el 19 de 2000

"el trabajo más importante no es ser gobernador, o primera señora en mi
case."-Pella, Iowa, según lo cotizado por las Expresar-Noticias del San
Antonio, de enero el 30 de 2000

"es importante que expliquemos a nuestra nación que la vida es importante.
Es no solamente vida de bebés, pero es vida de los niños que viven adentro,
usted sabe, los Dungeon oscuros de las alturas de Arlington del Internet
"--, Illinois, de oct. el 24 de 2000

"pienso si usted sabe lo que usted cree, él hace mucho más fácil contestar a
preguntas. No puedo contestar a su pregunta."- - Reynoldsburg, Ohio, De Oct.
El 4 De 2000

el "gas natural es hemisférico. Tengo gusto de llamarlo hemisférico en
naturaleza porque es un producto que podemos encontrar en nuestras
vecindades "-- Austin, Tejas, de diciembre el 20 de 2000

"el senador [ McCain ] tiene que entenderlo si él va a tener -- no puede
tenerlo ambas maneras. Él no puede tomar el caballo alto y después demandar
el camino bajo "-- a los reporteros en Florencia, S.C., de febrero el 17 de
2000

"ought hacer la empanada" -- Carolina del sur más alta discusión
republicano, de febrero el 15 de 2000

"desean el gobierno federal que controla la Seguridad Social como es una
cierta clase de programa federal" -- discusión en St. Charles, MES, de
noviembre el 2 de 2000

"es su dinero. Usted pagó él "-- LaCrosse, Wis., de oct. el 18 de 2000

"no es el papel del gobernador para decidir a quién va al cielo. Creo que el
dios decide quién va al cielo, no George W. Bush." -- George W. Bush, en la
Houston Chronicle.

"ought haber límites a la libertad. Estamos enterados de este sitio [ de la
tela ], y este individuo es justo un hombre de la basura, que es todo lo que
él es." -- Jr. de George, discutiendo un Web site que lo parodia

"soy un uniter no un divisor. Eso los medios cuando viene hora de coser
encima de su cavidad del pecho, utilizamos puntadas en comparación con la
abertura él para arriba." -- arbusto, en David Letterman, de marcha la 2 de
2000. (las audiencias booed)

"-- jurarme no -- no conseguí en política emplumar mi jerarquía o emplumar
las jerarquías de mis amigos." -- Jr. del arbusto, en la Houston Chronicle


Fuentes De la Cotización

Condenado por conducir borracho, y mentido para cubrirlo para arriba
George Arbusto ahora admite que lo condenaron por conducir borracho. De
septiembre el 4 de 1976, un trooper del estado consideró el viraje del coche
del arbusto sobre el hombro, entonces detrás sobre el camino. [ la vuelta
del campo del arbusto que él conducía demasiado lentamente es simplemente
una mentira. ] Forre falló en una prueba de la sobriedad del camino y sopló
un alcohol de la sangre del 10, abogan por culpable, y fue multado e hizo la
licencia de su conductor suspender. Su portavoz dice que él había bebido
"varias cervezas" en una barra local antes de la detención. El arbusto era
30 en ese entonces. Él ahora dice que él paró el beber cuando él dio vuelta
a 40 porque era un problema.

Preocupando, el arbusto mintió en negar tal detención, y todavía no tomará
la responsabilidad de sus acciones. Su primera reacción era culpar
demócratas y las noticias del zorro -- la única abiertamente red
conservadora de la TV -- por divulgar la historia. ¿"por qué [ era esto
divulgada ] ahora, cuatro días antes de la elección? Tengo mis suspicacias."
Él rechazó decir cuáles son sus suspicacias, aunque. El arbusto admite
cubrir encima de la historia, pero se parece pensar que él no tiene ninguna
responsabilidad de la falta de su cubierta para arriba.

En hecho, apenas como Clinton con Monica Lewinsky, arbusto ha mentido
brazenly y en varias ocasiones para cubrir para arriba y para reducir al
mínimo esta detención.

1. El arbusto mintió en su rueda de prensa, 11/3/2000
Forre dicho él pagó una multa sobre el terreno y nunca fue a cortejar. Eso
es claramente una mentira, como usted puede ver en este documento de la
corte que demuestra a su audiencia de corte al mes más adelante. En hecho,
era un hombre también en la corte para DUI el mismo día quién reveló
detención del arbusto '. Aquí es exactamente lo que dijo el arbusto en su
rueda de prensa:
Arbusto: ¿"dije a individuo que había estado bebiendo y qué yo necesitan
hacer? Y él dijo, "aquí está la multa." Pagué la multa e hice mi deber...."
Reportero: ¿"gobernador, había procedimiento legal de la clase? O hacerle --
"
Arbusto: "No. que pled -- usted sabe, dije que era reportero incorrecto y de
I... ": ¿"en corte? "
Arbusto: No, allí no era ninguna corte. Fui a la comisaría de policías.
Dije, "soy incorrecto."

2. El arbusto mintió en Court, 1978

El arbusto consiguió una audiencia de corte para conseguir su suspensión que
conducía levantada temprano, aunque él no había terminado un curso requerido
de la rehabilitación del conductor. Él dijo a oficial de las audiencias que
él bebiera solamente una vez al mes, y acaba de come "una cerveza
ocasional." El oficial concedió su petición. Pero el arbusto continuó
bebiendo por 8 años después de esa fecha y ha dicho público que él bebió
demasiado y tenía un problema el beber durante ese tiempo. El arbusto estaba
probablemente bajo juramento durante la audiencia, aunque no hemos podido
fijar abajo de ese detalle. La campaña del arbusto rechaza comentar respecto
a esta contradicción.
3. El Arbusto Mintió "Las Noticias De la Mañana De Dallas", 1998

"enseguida después de la reelección del gobernador en 1998, [ reportero
Wayne de las noticias de la mañana de Dallas ] el pizarrero presionó el
arbusto alrededor si lo habían arrestado siempre. ¿' él dijo, ' después de
1968? No.' " Noticias de la mañana de Dallas , 11/03/2000 [ antes de 1968,
el arbusto fue arrestado para el hurto y el vandalismo en universidad. ]

4. El Arbusto Mintió En La ' Reunión La Prensa ', 11/21/99

Tim Russert: "si alguien vino a usted y dijo, ' gobernador, estoy
apesadumbrado, yo voy a ir público con una cierta información.' Qué lo hacen
usted hace?"
Arbusto: "si alguien estuviera dispuesto a ir público con la información que
era perjudicial, usted habría oído hablar él ahora. Usted ha tenido ahora
oído hablar ella. Mi fondo ha sido escudriñado por todas las clases de
reporteros. Tim, podemos hablar de esto toda la mañana."

5. El arbusto mintió a CBS, 1999.

el "arbusto ha reconocido a menudo más allá de errores, pero las heces
correspondientes de las noticias del CBS que Cowan divulga eso en una
entrevista 1999 con la estación WBZ del CBS en Boston, él negaron allí eran
cualquier arma que fumaba supuesto." Noticias del CBS TV
El arbusto también evadió preguntas incontables y dio las mitad-verdades de
Clintonesque. Por ejemplo, mientras que luchaba con cómo contestar a cargas
de abuso de la droga, él dijo que él habría podido pasar cheques del fondo
de FBI durante la administración de su padre. Pero esos cheques incluyen la
pregunta "usted se han arrestado siempre para cualquier crimen?" O él mentía
tan directamente, o él tiene cierta explicación pulida como "habría podido
explicar las circunstancias de la detención y todavía pasar el cheque de
FBI."

En otra evasión, el arbusto decidía a servir deber del jurado en 1996,
durante su primer año como gobernador. En su questionairre, él simplemente
dejó a espacio en blanco las preguntas sobre detenciones y ensayos
anteriores. Entonces él se encontró en un ensayo para conducir borracho,
donde preguntan cada miembro del jurado eventual acerca de las convicciones
anteriores conducir borracho. La noche antes del ensayo, el abogado del
arbusto pidió que el abogado de la defensa lo despidiera, porque "sería
incorrecto que un gobernador se siente en un caso criminal en el cual él
podría ser pedido más adelante conceder clemencia." Es una discusión tonta,
porque ese problema existe con cualquier proceso penal y el arbusto había
decidido ya a servir en un jurado, pero el abogado de la defensa lo obligó y
excusó antes de que la cuestión directa de miembros del jurado comenzara.

El arbusto ahora justifica el cubrir encima de su detención "para ser un
buen modelo del papel para sus hijas." ¿Cómo él calcula eso? La mentira a
cubrir encima de sus crímenes no es lo que llamo el ser un buen modelo del
papel. Tomando la responsabilidad de sus acciones, admitiendo la avería
honesto y advirtiendo a la gente de las consecuencias usted sufrió, QUE
sería un buen ejemplo. Pero el arbusto prefiere la ruta de Clinton de la
mentira calvo-hecha frente, entonces culpando a sus enemigos y la prensa
cuando usted consigue cogido.

Bush is now the first person to be elected president after being convicted
of a crime.

Bush had several other drunken incidents, as well. In December, 1972, Bush
challenged his dad (the ex-president) to a fist fight, during an argument
about Bush's drunk driving. He had taken his little brother out drinking,
and ran over a neighbor's garbage cans on the way home. Bush's atypical
public service job, working with inner city Houston kids, appears to have
been an unofficial community service stint set up by Bush, Sr. Apparently
the governor didn't learn his lesson, because his drunk driving conviction
occured almost four years later.

In another incident, he started screaming obscenities at a Wall Street
Journal reporter, just because that reporter predicted that Bush's father
would not be the 1988 Republican nominee. The reporter obviously was wrong,
but a drunken Bush Jr. walked up to him at a restaurant and started yelling
"You fucking son of a bitch. I won't forget what you said and you're going
to pay a price for it."

In fact, Bush' running mate Dick Cheney now admits he had two drunk driving
offenses in 1962 and 1963, giving the Bush -- Cheney ticket a new world
record of 3 DUI's on one ticket. No wonder they seem so relaxed.

The conviction is bad enough, but the real question is, what other
revelations are going to come later, about his drug use (which he won't
deny), failing to show up for a year of his National Guard service, or
sexual escapades in his swinging single days?

There is evidence that Bush has more to hide involving his Texas driving
record. Soon after he became governor, he had a new driver's license issued
with the unusual ID number of "000000005", an action that destroyed the
records of his previous license. His staff could only say, weakly, that this
was done for "security reasons" but there is no record of any previous Texas
governor having done so. Now we have at least of hint of why Bush wanted his
records obscured, and a dark foreboding that more might be lurking, still
covered up.


Drunk Driving Sources

His Character: The Prodigal Son
George W. Bush, Jr. is touted as the savior of the Republican Party by the
national press, because he pulls votes from minority voters and has his
dad's name and fundraising connections to run on. But before we anoint him
as the next president, let's look at what he's done with his life. In a
nutshell, Junior
1) grew up as a very rich child of powerful parents,
2) partied from high school until he was 40,
3) made millions off of sweet insider business deals from political allies
of his dad, who happened to be the President,
and 4) got elected governor of Texas mostly because of his name.
Bush Junior has done some good work as governor of Texas. He has crossed the
partisan divide, reached out to minorities, and tackled at least one tough,
thankless issue (school financing; his plan was voted down in the
legislature.)

But 4 years -- even 4 good ones -- is a pretty short resume for the leader
of the free world. No one doubts Bill Clinton's ability to handle punishment
and come back for more. But Bush Junior's stamina and attention span are
very real concerns. Furthermore, Bush's term as governor has also been
markedly corrupt, although possibly in legal ways. What we mean is, he has
taken millions in campaign contributions from certain big businessmen --
many of whom were in on the insider business deals that made him rich -- and
those same businessman have received billions in sweet deals from the Texas
state government during Bush's term.

Specifics: Like Al Gore, Bush Jr. attended Eastern elitist schools, in this
case Andover Prep, and Yale. According to a Newsweek profile, he "went to
Yale but seems to have majored in drinking at the Deke House." He joined the
secretive "Skull and Bones" club in 1968, as any good conspiracy buff can
tell you.

His business career was marked by mediocrity or failure which nonetheless
resulted in him getting lots of money from his father's political allies.
And his political career has been handed to him on a platter by his famous
name, and by his dad's cronies.

Bill Kristol, conservative pundit and Dan Quayle's former chief of staff,
says "The Bush network is the only genuine network in the Republican Party.
It is the establishment." Junior and Jeb Bush (elected in Florida in 1998)
are the first brothers to be simultaneous governors since the Rockefellers.

To give you an idea of how rarefied his upbringing was, George Junior had an
argument with his mom at one point about whether non-Christians could go to
Heaven. (Barbara Bush felt they could; George didn't.) To settle the
dispute, they phoned up Billy Graham on the spot. (He sided with Junior, but
warned him not to play God.).)

More recently, Bush's performance during the 2000 South Carolina primary
shows that he received the worst trait common to the famous Bush family -- a
vicious competitiveness that shows no compunction about dirty tricks (such
as the phone calls by his surrogates calling McCain, of all people, "the fag
candidate") and utterly shameless flipflops (like Bush Sr.'s "read my lips,
no new taxes", and Junior's very public refusal to meet with the gay Log
Cabin Republicans group until right before the California primary, when he
claimed he was fine with them all along. Not to mention him suddenly
becoming "a reformer" after he got shellacked in the New Hampshire primary.)

Not only does this trait demonstrate a lack of integrity -- which I define
as having standards and things you believe in that you won't violate, even
to win the presidency -- but there is an incredible arrogance in thinking
that voters will accept and believe a candidate who blatantly changes his
positions from week to week, saying whatever the local primary voters want
to hear.

Unfortunately, Bush Jr. has inherited this negative family trait without
receiving any of the graciousness, diligence, and bravery of his father and
grandfather (a Senator who lost his seat over a principled vote in favor of
birth control, back in the 1940s.)


Thin skinned: Bush tries to stifle his critics
One of the most disturbing things about Bush is that he consistently works
to silence his critics using his money and power, including state police and
expensive lawyers. Not since Richard Nixon has a major presidential
candidate been so quick to prevent his opponents from free speech. At the
very least, this shows he doesn't understand big-league politics and may not
be tough enough to handle more serious opponents, such as hostile foreign
countries and terrorists. At worst, it may be a sign of Nixon-like paranoia;
that president's thin-skin started out with similar small potatos and grew
to bring down his presidency amid enemies' lists, illegal break-ins of his
opponent's offices, and forcing the IRS to audit his enemies.
Bush can't blame this on his staff, either; it comes from the top. When
asked about one critical web site, he told the press "There ought to be
limits to freedom. We're aware of this site, and this guy is just a garbage
man, that's all he is."

As governor of Texas, for example, Bush Junior has sent the state police to
arrest peaceful demonstrators outside the governors mansion. While previous
governors allowed peaceful pickets on the public sidewalk outside the
mansion, Bush has claimed that they are blocking public access, and had them
arrested. Not all protestors, either -- just the ones he doesn't want the
press to see.

In the 2000 primaries, Bush supporters including NY Governor Pataki sued to
keep John McCain and Steve Forbes off the New York primary ballot in several
congressional districts. Bush denied any involvement, fooling no one, but
after McCain's decisive New Hampshire victory made the move look ridiculous,
Bush and his top strategist Karl Rove called up his establishment minions,
after which they instantly announced that they were stopping their efforts
to keep McCain off the ballot. Ironically, all of the attention to ballot
rules revealed that a number of Bush delegates and alternates used
fraudulent signatures to qualify for the ballot. As a result, it appears
that McCain and Forbes will be on the ballot statewise, but George Bush Jr.
won't be in one Bronx congressional district.

Bush also can't stand criticism on the Internet. His campaign quietly -- and
probably illegally -- bought up over 200 anti-Bush domain names including
"bushsucks.com", "bushbites.com", and "bushblows.com" over a year ago.
(Illegally because he had refused to register as a candidate, as part of his
effort to make it look like people were begging him to run, so spending
money for his campaign was not allowed.) If you type in any of these URLs,
you end up at Bush's official web site. His campaign refuses to say whether
this means that they admit that he bites, blows and sucks. (Maybe he used to
be a White House intern?)

If you wanted to set up one of those sites, breathe easy because many good
names are still available. The Bush camp somehow neglected to purchase
"bushisaprick.com", "bushisweak.com", or "bushsucksdonkeydicks.com", so $70
makes them yours.

Even worse, Bush and his high-priced lawyers have tried twice to shut down a
web site -- www.gwbush.com -- that parodies the Bush campaign, in particular
his "no comment" answers on drug use in his past. You will recall that Bush
has said it doesn't matter what he did "in his youth," because the question
is "have you grown up" and "have you learned from your mistakes." The parody
site presents a new program called "Amnesty 2000", in which Bush "proposes"
pardoning all drug convicts who have "grown up."

The Bush campaign filed one complaint about the site in April 1999, after
which the parody site's owners changed it to look less like the real Bush
site. That wasn't good enough though, and Bush lawyers filed against the
site again in May 1999. So far, it remains in business. Sources


Lying Under Oath. Bush & Co. Squelch Investigation of Contributor's Funeral
Homes
In a (so far successful) attempt to stop a scandal, Bush perjured himself
under oath, according to the sworn testimony of two of his political allies.
The situation is amazingly similar to Clinton's Lewinsky problem: a
potentially damaging lawuit arose (see below) that threatened to involve
him. Just like Clinton, Bush swore an affidavit that he had no involvement
in the case, which got him excused from testifying. And just like Clinton,
the affidavit was proven false months later by new evidence. In this case,
it's the recent sworn testimony of Robert MacNeil, a Bush appointee, that he
had discussed the case with Bush at a fundraiser.
This scandal isn't as sexy as Monica's, but perjury is perjury, and this
scandal actually involves the governor's job, not his sex life. Texas' state
commission on funeral homes (the TFSC) started an investigation of SCI, the
world's largest funeral home company (with 3,442 homes, plus 433 cemeteries)
after complaints that unlicensed apprenctices were embalming corpses at 2
SCI embalming centers. The commission visited a couple of these, and ended
up fining SCI $450,000.

But SCI pulled strings with the commission and with Bush himself. Shortly
thereafter, the investigation was shut down and the agency's investigator
was fired. She sought to question Bush for her lawsuit, and that's when he
swore his admittedly false affidavit. In fact, that affidavit has been
proven false twice now.

DETAILS: SCI has long cultivated Bush and his allies. They gave governor
Bush $35,000 in the last election and $10K in 1994, gave $100,000 to the
George Bush, Sr. library, and hired the ex-president to give a speech last
year for $70,000. They also spread money around the Texas legislature and
the Texas Attorney General's office.

After the investigation got serious, SCI's boss, Robert Waltrip, called the
funeral commission's chairman and told him to "back off." If not, Waltrip
said, "I'm going to take this to the governor."

Still, the investigation continued. So Waltrip and his lawyer/lobbyist,
Johnnie B. Rogers, went to the governor's office and dropped off a letter
demanding a halt to the investigation. Rogers told Newsweek that he and
Waltrip were ushered in to see Joe Allbaugh, Bush's chief of staff (who is
now Bush's campaign manager.) Rogers goes on to say that Bush Jr. popped his
head in and said to Waltrip, "Hey, Bobby, are those people still messing
with you?" Waltrip said yeah. Then the governor turned to Rogers and said,
"Hey, Johnnie B. Are you taking care of him?" Rogers said "I'm doing my
best, Governor."

The problem for Bush is that he swore under oath, in a July 20th 1999
affidavit, that he "had no conversations with [SCI] officials, agents, or
represenatives concerning the investigation or any dispute arising from it."
If Rogers is telling the truth, than Bush Jr. lied directly under oath. He
filed the affidavit in an attempt to avoid testifying in a whistleblower
lawsuit concerning this investigation and it's alleged squashing by Bush's
administration.

Back in August of 1999, Bush himself admitted that he spoke with Waltrip and
Rogers -- in other words, that he lied under oath -- but used Clintonesque
denials to claim that it was nothing substantial. Bush told the Associated
Press that "It's a 20-second conversation. I had no substantive conversation
with the guy. Twenty seconds. That's hardly enough time to even say hello,
much less sit down and have a substantive discussion. All I know is it
lasted no time. And that hardly constitutes a serious discussion. I did not
have any knowledge at all of Waltrip's problem with this case."

Of course, nothing Bush says here contradicts what Rogers said. In fact, his
careful explanation of why this is not perjury is incredibly similar to Bill
Clinton's weaseling about what the meaning of "is" is. And now MacNeil's
sworn statement further confirms Bush's lie.

Whatever Bush said out loud, Waltrip's complaints to the governor got quick
results. Eliza May -- the investigator for the funeral services
commission -- says that after Waltrip visited the governor, she received
phone calls from three senior Bush aides asking if she could wrap up her
proble quickly. She says she was also summoned to another meeting in
Allbaugh's office, one month after the first one, and found Waltrip already
there. The governor's top aide, she says, demanded that she turn over a list
of all of the documents that she needed "to close the SCI investigation."

Since then, investigator Eliza May has been fired, 6 or 10 staff members on
the commission have been fired or resigned and not been replaced, and the
Texas legislature -- led by members receiving substantial contributions from
SCI -- passed a bill to reorganize the agency and remove it's head. On
August 16, 199, Bush ordered his Comptroller to take over the agency and run
it. May -- who, it should be noted, is a Democrat and was even state
Democratic Treasurer at one point -- has filed a whistleblower lawsuit
alleging she was fired because she persisted with the investigation.

Bush simply didn't show up for his scheduled deposition on July 1st, 1999 in
the case. (He isn't a defendant in the case, because Governors are immune
from lawsuits in Texas, but is being called as a material witness.) He filed
his affidavit on July 20th to indicate that he had nothing to add.

Now Robert MacNeil -- who was the chairman of the Texas funeral commission
at the time, a Bush appointee -- confirms that he also discussed the case
with Bush, at a 1998 Texas fundraiser. In a sworn deposition, MacNeil says
that Bush asked him: “Have you and Mr. Waltrip got your problems worked
out?” Replied McNeil: “We’re still trying to work on that, governor.” Bush
then said, “Do your job.” Bush's campaign says that MacNeil's statement is
false. But the language MacNeil says Bush used is almost identical to what
he admits saying to Johnnie Rodgers in the governor's office. Sources


Corruption in Texas Government; State $ to Big Contributors
Bush's administration has consistenly shoveled large amounts of state
controlled money to men who have either contributed large amounts to Bush's
campaign, or who have made Junior personally rich through sweet insider
business deals, or both.
For example, the University of Texas' Investment Management Company (UTIMCO)
invests $1.7 billion of state money. Most of this comes from profits from
oil discovered on Texas state land. Bush's cronies dominate this board, and
in return investment funds controlled by these very cronies or their friends
have received nearly a third -- $457 million -- of that massive investment
pool. There may even be more, but this obscure group -- created under
Bush -- cloaks its operations in a thick veil of secrecy.

UTIMCO's chairman, Tom Hicks, now owns the Texas Rangers; his purchase of
the team made Governor Bush a very rich man. Furthermore, Hicks and his
brother gave $146,000 to the Bush campaign. In return, $252 million of the
invested money went to funds run by Hicks' business associates or friends,
according to the Houston Chronicle. Hicks even insisted that UTIMCO increase
by $10 million an investment with a fund that he had an indirect financial
interest in, but UTIMCO staff halted funding after they discovered the
conflict.

Then there's Sam and Charles Wyly, the billionaire brothers who secretly
bought $2.5 million of "independent" TV ads slamming McCain just before the
critical Super Tuesday primaries. (They have also given hundreds of
thousands of dollars to Bush Jr.'s governor and presidential campaigns.)
They control Maverick Capital, an investment fund that received $90 million
of UTIMCO money. The brothers earn nearly $1 million in fees alone from that
money, along with a share of any profits.

Henry Kravis of Kohlberg, Kravis & Roberts -- a longtime Bush contributor --
received a $50 million investment deal in 1996. And there are many more Bush
supporters who have received millions from UTIMCO, including the Bass family
and Adele Hall of the Hallmark Cards family.

Another key player in the Bush world is Richard Rainwater, the billionaire
Texas investor who made Bush Jr.'s original involvement in the Texas Rangers
deal possible. That's the deal that made Jr. rich, of course. Bush had
several other personal investments in Rainwater controlled companies. But
Rainwater has received much from Bush and the state of Texas' treasury, too.
UTIMCO invested at least $20 million in Rainwater companies.

And UTIMCO is not the only Bush administration agency funneling money and
favors to his supporters and cronies. T he state teacher retirement fund
sold three office buildings to Rainwater's real estate company at bargain
prices, and without bids in 2 of the cases. The fund invested $90 million in
the Frost Bank Plaza in Austin, and sold it to Rainwater's Crescent Real
Estate for $35 million. Bush signed a law that will give his former baseball
team co-owners -- including Rainwater -- a $10 million bonus payment when a
new Dallas arena is built. Bush also proposed a cap on business real estate
taxes that would have saved Rainwater millions on his various properties
(but it lost in the legislature).

In another example, Bush's state Housing department has been investigated
for kickbacks, and Florita Bell Griffin, who Bush appointed to the state
Housing Board, was just convicted of bribery, theft, money-laundering and
mail fraud for trading her influence for cash. She faces 55 years in prison.
And Larry Paul Manley, Bush's director of the Department of Housing until he
resigned in January 1999, is under police investigation for steering federal
tax credits to cronies. Texas' top auditor discovered in 1997 that 60% of
department contracts went to Manley's former colleagues at local savings and
loans, but refused to make the findings public until long after the criminal
probes began.

Bush may or may not have violated state ethics laws with all of this big
money backscratching, but there is no doubt that he and these businessman
are operating corruptly -- funneling large amounts of state money to the
businessmen's companies, and large amounts of their personal and business
money into George Bush Jr.'s pocket and political campaigns.

Sources


Avoided the Vietnam War
Most people have heard something about George W. Bush pulling strings to get
into the Texas Air Guard. But the press, while reporting lots of details,
has done a poor job of communicating how consistently and shamelessly Bush
Jr. sought and received favorable treatment while he avoided Vietnam.

Furthermore, his story has repeatedly changed -- he has weaseled like
Clinton at his worst and even flat-out lied when explaining what happened.

To put it in perspective, here are 9 ways Bush got favored treatment in the
service due to his political connections (he was then son of a Congressman
and grandson of a former Senator):
1) He got into the Guard by pulling strings, avoiding the year and a half
waiting list;
2) He took a 2-month vacation in Florida after just 8 weeks, (1 of 3
leaves), to work on a political campaign;
3) Bush skipped Officer Candidate School and got a special commission as a
2nd Lieutenant, without qualifications;
4) He was assigned to a safe plane (being phased out of active service), the
F-102 ;
5) During flight school, he was flown on a government jet to Washington for
a date with President Nixon's daughter Tricia ;
6) Bush got an illegal transfer (later overruled) to a base with no work;
7) He simply didn't show up for a YEAR, with no penalty;
8) George W. skipped all his medical exams after they started drug tests,
and was removed from flight status;
9) He ended his service 10 months early to go to Harvard Business School;


Here are the details:

1. Pulled Strings to Get In.
On May 27, 1968, George Bush Jr. was 12 days away from losing his student
draft deferment, at a time when 350 Americans a week were dying in combat.
The National Guard, seen by many as the most respectable way to avoid
Vietnam, had a huge waiting list -- a year and a half in Texas, over 100,000
men nationwide. Yet Bush and his family friends pulled strings, and the
young man was admitted the same day he applied, regardless of any waiting
list.

Bush's unit commander, Col. "Buck" Staudt, was so excited about his VIP
recruit that he staged a special ceremony for the press so he could have his
picture taken administering the oath (even though the official oath had been
given by a captain earlier.)

Bush and his allies have tried to deny this with several changing stories, b
ut Bush himself admits lobbying commander Staudt, who approved him, and
court documents confirm that close family friend and oil magnate Sid Adger
called Texas Speaker of the House Ben Barnes, who called General James Rose,
the head of the Texas Air National Guard, to get Bush in. Rose, who is now
dead, told his friend and former legislator Jake Johnson that "I got that
Republican congressman's son from Houston into the Guard."

Staudt's unit, the 147th, was infamous as a nesting place for politically
connected and celebrity draft avoiders. Democratic Senator Lloyd Bentsen's
son was in the unit, as was Republican Senator John Tower's, both of Sid
Adger's sons and at least 7 members of the Dallas Cowboys.

2. Took a 2 month vacation in Florida after 8 weeks in the Guard.
Just 8 weeks after joining, Bush was granted 2 months leave to go to Florida
and work on a political campaign, the Senate race of Republican Edward
Gurney. Bush took a leave every election season, in 1970 to work on his
dad's campaign, and in 1972 to work in Alabama.

3. Skipped Officer Candidate School and got a special commission as 2nd Lt.
As soon as Bush completed basic training, his commander approved him for a
"direct appointment", which made him an officer without having to go through
the usual (and difficult) Officer Candidate School. This special procedure
also got Bush into flight school, despite his very low scores on aptitude
tests -- he scored 25% on a pilot aptitude test, the absolute lowest
acceptable grade, and 50% for navigator aptitude. (Bush did score 95% on the
easier officer quality test, but then again the average is 88%).

What made Bush's appointment doubly unusual was his total lack of special
qualifications. This procedure was generally reserved for applicants with
exceptional experience or skills, such as ROTC training or engineering,
medical or aviation skills. Tom Hail, a historian for the Texas Air National
Guard, reviewed the Guard's records on Bush for a special exhibit on his
service after Bush became governor. Asked about Bush's direct appointment
without special skills, Hail said "I've never heard of that. Generally they
did that for doctors only, mostly because we needed extra flight surgeons."

Charles Shoemake, an Air Force veteran who later joined the Texas Air
National Guard and retired as a full colonel, said that direct appointments
were rare and hard to get, and required extensive credentials. Asked about
Bush, he said "His name didn't hurt, obviously. But it was a commander's
decision in those days."

Despite Bush Jr.'s weak qualifications, Col. Staudt was so excited about the
direct appointment that he saged another special ceremony for the press,
this time with Bush's father the congressman standing prominently in the
background.

The direct appointment process was discontinued in the 1970s.

4. Assigned to a safe plane -- the F-102 -- that was being phased out.
As Bush has been quick to note, National Guard members do face the chance of
being called up for active duty, though few actually did during the Vietnam
war. So what a lucky break for Bush that he was assigned to fly the F-102
Delta Dagger, a plane already being phased out. In fact, the Air Force had
ordered all overseas F-102 units shut down as of June 30, 1970 -- just 3
months after Bush finished his training. Since training is so airplane
specific, Bush was guaranteed from the beginning to be safe from combat.

Bush's campaign has even used his training on the obsolete plane to justify
his early discharge, almost a year before his scheduled discharge, since
other F-102 pilots were also being released early. But they can't answer the
obvious question -- why spend so much money to train a National Guardsman
for 2 years on a plane that was already being phased out, at a time when the
Guard was letting F102 pilots leave early due to oversupply?

5. Celebrity Political Date.
During his flight training, Bush's celebrity showed in a couple of ways.
Most famously, President Nixon sent a jet to pick up the young flight
student for a date with his daughter Tricia. Alas, the potential political
marriage and dynasty was not to be. Also, the commencement speaker at Bush's
graduation ceremony was -- his dad, Congressman George Bush Sr.

6. Illegal, overruled transfer to a base with no work.
In 1972, Bush once again wanted to work on a political campaign, this time
in Alabama. He applied for a transfer to a nearly defunct base with no
active training or work, the 9921st Air Reserve Squadrom at Maxwell Air
Force Base in Alabama. Bush's supervisors approved, but a higher
headquarters overruled them, noting that the unit had no regular drills.

Lt. Col. Reese Bricken, the unit's commander, told the Boston Globe "We met
just one weeknight a month. We were only a postal unit. We had no airplanes.
We had no pilots. We had no nothing." Even Albert Lloyd Jr., a retired Air
Guard colonel who is helping the Bush campaign clarify the candidate's
service, told the Globe he was mystified why Bush's superiors at the time
would approve duty at such a unit. Lloyd was personnel director of the Texas
Air Guard from 1969 to 1995.

Now, the officer who did that has stepped forward and very directly admitted
that he tried to get the easiest possible assignment for Bush. The personnel
officer in charge of Bush's 147th Fighter Group, now-retired Col. Rufus G.
Martin, says he tried to give Bush a light load when he told him to apply to
the 9921st Air Reserve Squadron in Montgomery, Ala. Martin said in an
interview that he knew Bush wasn't eligible for the 9921st, an unpaid,
general training squadron that met once a week to hear lectures on first aid
and the like. "However," he said, "I thought it was worth a try. . . . It
was the least participation of any type of unit."

7. Just didn't show up for a year -- with no punishment.
National Guard records and Bush's own supervisor's and friends show no sign
of him attending any drills or performing any service for nearly a year,
from May 1972 until May 1973. This period began with Bush moving to Alabama
for a political campaign.

He later applied to transfer to a base that had no work; the transfer was
first approved, then cancelled. Bush did nothing for several months; then in
September he applied to transfer to Alabama's 187th Tactical Recon group for
3 months. This was approved, but the unit's commander, General William
Turnipseed, and his then admnistrative officer, Kenneth Lott, have both said
that Bush never showed up. "Had he reported in, I would have had some
recall, and I do not," said Turnipseed. "I had been in Texas, done my flight
training there. If we had had a first lieutenant from Texas, I would have
remembered."

Bush claims that he did some work in Alabama, but can't remember any
details. “I can’t remember what I did,” he said. “I just—I fulfilled my
obligation." Despite 2 years of searching through hundreds of records, his
campaign has been unable to find any record of Bush's service there, nor
could they find a single fellow serviceman who remembers his presence. The
best they could produce was an ex-girlfriend from Alabama -- Emily
Marks --who said George told her he would have to do some Guard duty later
that year (1972) in Montgomery. But all that confirms is that he knew of his
obligation.

In December 1972, Bush returned to Houston and was scheduled to resume duty
there. But in May 1973, Bush's supervising pilots wrote in his annual
efficiency report: "Lt. Bush has not been observed at this unit during the
period of the report" (i.e. through April 30, 1972). Bush described one of
the supervisors, the late Col. Jerry Killian, as a personal friend, so it's
likely he would have noticed Bush and given him the benefit of the doubt.
Later that month, two special orders commanded Bush to appear for active
duty. He served 36 days of active duty during May, June and July before
leaving the Guard early.

Amazingly, Bush was not disciplined in any way for his absence, and received
an honorable discharge. Under Air National Guard rules at that time,
guardsmen who missed duty could be reported to their Selective Service Board
and inducted into the Army as draftees.

8. Skipped all his medical exams after they started drug tests.
In April 1972, the military started including routine drug tests in
servicemen's annual physical exam, including urinalysis, questions about
drugs and "a close examination of the nasal cavities" (for cocaine).
According to the regulation, the medical took place in the month after the
serviceman's birthday. For George W. Bush, this meant August 1972.

It was May, 1972 -- one month after the drug testing was announced -- that
Bush stopped attending Guard duty. In August 1972, he was suspended from
flight duty for failing to take his physical. (Click here to see the
document.) A Bush campaign spokesman confirmed to the London Sunday Times
that Bush knew he would be suspended. "He knew the suspension would have to
take place." Bush never flew again, even though he returned to his Houston
base where Guard pilots flew thousands of hours in the F-102 during 1973.
The only barrier to him flying again was a medical exam (and his lack of
attendance).

Careful readers will recall that when Bush issued his partial denial of drug
use, he said (or implied) that he hadn't used them since 1974, but he
pointedly refused to deny drug use before then, i.e. during his military
service. Several sources have also indicated that it was in December,
1972 -- 4 months after his medical suspension -- that a drunk Bush Jr.
challenged his father to a fist fight during an argument over the son's
drunk driving. (He had run over a neighbor's garbage cans.) Shortly
thereafter, Bush Sr. arranged for his son to do community service at an
inner city Houston charity.

Bush's campaign aides first said he did not take the physical because he was
in Alabama and his personal physician was in Houston. But flight physicals
can be administered only by certified Air Force flight surgeons, and some
were assigned at the time to Maxwell Air Force Base in Montgomery, where
Bush was living. The staff now admits that this explanation was wrong.

9. Left service 10 months early.
Even after that easy stint, Bush couldn't fulfill his obligation. He quickly
made up the missed days he had to and applied for an early release, before
he had to take his next annual physical exam (with drug test.) While the
official discharge date was October 1, 1973, Bush's last day in uniform was
actually July 31 -- a full 10 months before the end of his 6-year, part time
commitment. Al Gore also requested and received an early discharge (from the
Army, in his case) to go to school.

Weasel words; his story keeps changing.
When asked about his service, Bush has lied, changed his story repeatedly,
and weaseled in a manner eerily reminiscent of Bill Clinton. First of all,
he has flat-out lied. In his official autobiography, ''A Charge to Keep,''
Bush said he flew with his unit for ''several years'' after finishing flight
training in June 1970. His campaign biography states that he flew with the
unit until he won release from the service in September 1973, nine months
early, for graduate school. Both statements are lies. Bush only flew with
the 111th for one year and 10 months, until April 1972 when he was suspended
for failing to take his medical exam (and drug test), and never flew again.

Then there is his Clintonesque weaseling and word choice. Bush and his
campaign claimed that no Bush family or friends pulled strings. Under
pressure, this changed to "All I know is anybody named George Bush did not
ask him [Ben Barnes] for help." By that he meant, himself or his dad. Of
course, it later came out in court that a close Bush friend, Simon Adger,
had asked Barnes to get Bush Jr. into the Guard, and that Barnes did so, via
General Rose.

Now's it's not even clear that a George Bush didn't ask for help. When
pressed, the former president's spokeswoman (Jean Becker) said he is "almost
positive" that he and Mr. Adger never discussed the Guard matter. "He [Bush
Sr.] he is fairly certain - I mean he doesn't remember everything that
happened in the 1960s..." In any case, Bush Sr. and Adger were very close.
Ms. Becker acknowledged that "President Bush knew Sid Adger well. He loved
him." Adger may have needed only a hint.

Furthermore, George Bush Jr. admits that he knew Adger socially at the time,
and further admits that he lobbied Col. "Buck" Staudt, the commander of the
VIP unit Bush joined. Staudt claims that he, not General Rose (who he later
replaced), was the one who made the decision on admissions anyway. Bush Jr.
admits that he met Staudt in late 1967, during Christmas vacation of his
senior year, called him later, and -- in Bush's words -- "found out what it
took to apply."

When asked how Bush came to call Staudt, his spokeswoman Karen Hughes said
he "heard from friends while he was home over the Christmas break that ...
Colonel Staudt was the person to contact." She says that Bush doesn't recall
who those "friends" were. But we know that Sid Adger was also a friend of
Staudt's, served with him on the Houston Chamber of Commerce's Aviation
Committee, and in 1967 held a luncheon honoring Gen. Staudt and his unit for
winning an Air Force commendation. In fact, both of Adger's sons also joined
General Staudt's unit, in 1966 and 1968 respectively.

Bush and his staff also claim that he vaulted ahead of the Air Guard waiting
list because he was willing to fly an airplane, and there were openings.
There is nothing to support this claim, however. For one thing, the F-102
was being phased out at the time and F-102 pilots were being released from
service early, as indeed Bush himself was. And Tom Hail, a historian for the
Texas Air National Guard, says flatly that there was no pilot shortage in
the Guard squadron at that time. Bush's unit had 27 pilots at the time he
applied; while they were authorized for 29 pilots, there were two more
already in training and one awaiting a transfer.

Bush also weasels on whether he was avoiding combat or not. He has stated on
several occasions that he did not want to be an infantryman, and
acknowledges that he came to oppose the war itself. He claims that he joined
the guard to fly planes, and would have been happy to go to Vietnam, but
ignores the obvious choice of the Air Force or the Navy -- which his dad, a
genuine war hero, joined. Furthermore, when he signed up for the Guard, he
checked a box saying "Do not volunteer for overseas service." Later, he made
a perfunctory application to transfer to a program called "Palace Alert",
which dispatched F-102 pilots to Europe or the Far East -- and just
occasionally Vietnam -- for 3 or 6 month assignments. But Bush was not
nearly qualified, as he must have known, and was immediately turned down,
and the F-102 not used overseas after June, 1970 in any case.

And, as noted above, his story also changed on why he refused to take a
medical exam -- including a drug test - in 1972. (The refusal ended Bush's
flying career.) His staff first claimed that he didn't take the physical
because he was in Alabama and his personal physician was in Houston. But
flight physicals can be administered only by certified Air Force flight
surgeons, and there were surgeons assigned at the time to Maxwell Air Force
Base in Montgomery, where Bush was living. His staff now admits that that
explanation was "wrong", without saying where it came from or what the real
reason was. Draft & National Guard Sources


Insider Business Deals
Bush Jr. has made a lot of money off of three business deals. In each one,
his contribution is hard to perceive, yet he walked off with hundreds of
thousands or millions of dollars in deals arranged by his father's political
cronies. The deals were
1. the sale of Junior's struggling oil company,
2. Junior's sale of oil stock just before the Gulf War, and
3. getting a cheap slice of the Texas Rangers baseball team, which he sold
in 1999 for a huge profit (he paid $600,000, and sold for $14 million).
The general pattern here is just as important as the details. Bush did no
work in his business career that can clearly be called "excellent" or even
"solid." The money he made is tangential to his efforts at best -- the oil
companies lost a great deal of money during his tenure, and the Rangers cut
a lot of corners -- which makes the cronyism that much more suspicious.

It's not just that one or two of Bush's deals look funky; every major
business deal he has been involved with included wealthy supporters of his
father, and many of those investors later received favorable treatment from
either the federal government under Bush, Sr. or the current Texas
administration of Junior.

Deal #1: The Oil Business: Rewarded for Losing Money
Like his dad, Junior struck out in Texas and founded an oil company, Arbusto
Energy, Inc., with $20,000 of his own money. (Arbusto is the Spanish word
for bush.) The company foundered in the early 1980s when oil prices dropped
(and his dad was Vice President.)
The 50 investors, who were "mainly friends of my uncle" in Junior's own
words, put in $4.7 million and lost most of it. Junior claims that investors
"did pretty good," but Bush family friend Russell Reynolds told the Dallas
Morning News: "The bottom line was there were problems, and it didn't work
out very well. I think we got maybe 20 cents on the dollar."

As Arbusto neared collapse, Spectrum 7 Energy Corporation bought it in
September 1984. Despite his poor track record, the owners made Bush, Jr. the
president and gave him 13.6% of the parent company's stock.

Spectrum 7 was a small oil firm owned by two staunch Reagan/Bush Sr.
supporters -- William DeWitt and Mercer Reynolds. These two were also owners
of the Texas Rangers and allowed Bush Jr. to purchase a chunk of the team
cheaply; he later sold it for over 24 times what he paid.

Within two years of purchasing Arbusto and making Bush Jr. president,
Spectrum 7 was itself in trouble; it lost $400,000 in its last 6 months of
operation. That ended in 1986, when Harken Energy Corporation bought
Spectrum 7's 180-well operation.

Junior got $227,000 worth of Harken stock, and a lot more. He was named to
the board of directors, made $80,000 to $100,000 a year well into the 1990s
as a "consultant" to Harken, and was allowed to buy Harken stock at 40%
below face value.

He also borrowed $180,375 from Harken at very low rates; the company's 1989
and 1990 SEC filings said it "forgave" $341,000 in loans to unspecified
executives.

So what did Junior do for all this money? It's hard to say exactly, but
things happened for Harken after Junior came on board:
it got a $25 million stock offering from an unusual bank with CIA ties,
it won a surprise exclusive drilling contract with Bahrain, a small Mideast
country, and
an Arab member of its Board of Directors was invited to White House policy
meetings with President George Bush and National Security Adviser Brent
Scowcroft.


Easy Money From Odd Sources
The firm's $25 million stock offering was underwritten by Stephens, Inc., an
Arkansas bank whose head, Jackson Stephens, was on President Bush's "Team
100." (That was a group of 249 rich persons who gave at least $100,000 each
to his presidential campaign committee). Stephens placed the offering with
the London subsidiary of Union Bank of Switzerland, which (according to the
Wall Street Journal) was not known as an investor in small American
companies.

Union Bank did have other connections; it was a joint-venture partner with
the notorious BCCI in a Geneva-based bank, and was involved in a scandal
surrounding the Nugan Hand Bank, a CIA operation in Australia whose
executives were advised by William Quasha, the father of Harken's chairman
(Alan Quasha.) Union Bank was also involved in scandals surrounding
Panamanian money laundering by BCCI, and Ferdinand Marcos' movement of 325
tons of gold out of the Phillipines.

That wasn't the only financing connection Junior brought; after the company
won its Bahrain deal (see next item), the billionaire Bass brothers of Texas
offered to underwrite the drilling operation. Robert Bass is also a member
of Bush's Team 100, and he and his kin gave $226,000 to Bush Senior between
1988 and 1992.


The Bahrain Contract
In January 1990, Harken was chosen out of the blue by the small Mideast
country Bahrain for an exclusive offshore oil drilling contract. They beat
out Amoco, an experienced and major international conglomerate, despite
having no offshore oil drilling experience at all. As of March 1995, the
most recent report we could find, they had found no oil.

Junior has denied that he was involved in the deal, and even told the Wall
Street Journal that he opposed it. But a company insider told Mother Jones
Magazine "Like any member of the board, he was thrilled. His attitude was
'Holy shit, what a great deal!'"

If he did oppose it, he wasn't much of a consultant. Charles Strain, an
energy company analyst in Houston, told Mother Jones: "Harken is not hard to
understand -- it's easy. The company has only one real asset -- its Bahrain
contract. If that field turns out to be dry, Harken's stock is worth, at the
most, 25 cents a share. If they hit it big over there, the stock could be
worth $30 to $40 dollars a share." As of December 1998, Harken Energy Corp.
(HEC on Amex) is trading at $2.69 a share.


Access to the President For Bush's Foreign Business Partner
The most troubling thing that happened to Harken after it bought George Bush
Junior in, was that one of its Board of Directors members was suddenly
admitted to the highest levels of United States foreign policy meetings.
These were not Clintonesque meet-and-greet fundraisers, but actual working
policy meetings during a critical period.

After the Harken-Bahrain deal was signed, Talat Othman was added to a group
of Arabs who met with George Bush and National Security Adviser Brent
Scowcroft three times in 1990 -- once just two days after Iraq invaded
Kuwait.

Othman was the representative of Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh, who purchased 10%
of Harken stock and had several ties to the infamous BCCI bank. Bakhsh was a
co-investor in Saudi Arabia with alleged BCCI front man Ghaith Pharaon.
Bakhsh's banker, Khalid bin Mahfouz, was another BCCI figure and head of the
largest bank in Saudi Arabia. Sheikh Kalifah, the prime minister of Bahrain,
was a BCCI shareholder and played the key role in selecting Harken for the
oil contract.

This is the crowd that gained entry to the President and the National
Security Adviser of the United States after George Junior made his deal with
Harken.


Deal #2: Selling Oil Stock Just Before Iraq Invaded
George Bush, Junior sold 60% of his stock in Harken Oil in June, 1990 for
$848,560. That was brilliant timing; in August, Iraq invaded Kuwait and
Harken's stock dropped 25%. Soon after, a big quarterly loss caused it to
drop further.
A secret State Deparment memo in May of that year had warned that Saddam was
out of control, and listed options for responding to him, including an oil
ban that might affect US oil prices.

We can't be sure that the President or an aide mentioned these developments
to his son, or that Harken's representative who was admitted to meetings
with the President picked up something and reported back to Junior. But it
is the simplest and most logical explanation. The Bushes acknowledge that
George Senior and his sons consult on political strategy and other matters
constantly.

Furthermore, Harken's internal financial advisers at Smith Barney had issued
a report in May warning of the company's deteriorating finances. Harken owed
more than $150 million to banks and other creditors at the time. George
Bush, Jr. was a member of the board and also of Harken's restructuring
committee, which met in May and worked directly with the Smith Barney
consultants. He must have known of these warnings.

These are pretty clear-cut indications of illegal insider trading. The
Securities and Exchange Commission, controlled at the time by President
George Bush, investigated but chose not to press charges.

Junior also violated another SEC rule explicitly. He was required to
register his sale as an insider trade by July 10, 1990, but didn't until
March 1991, after the Gulf War was over. He was not punished or cited.

Deal #3: A Big Slice of the Texas Rangers for a Little Money (and a Big
Profit)
The third unusually easy deal for George Bush Junior was his involvement in
the Texas Rangers baseball team. In a nutshell, he was offered a piece of
this valuable franchise for only $600,000, by supporters of his dad who also
bailed out his failing oil company. He sold his stake for $14 million -
while Texas governor -- to a Texas millionaire with lots of businesses
regulated by his administration. "When all it is all said and done, I will
have made more money than I ever dreamed I would make," Bush told the Forth
Worth Star-Telegram.

Bush was allowed to buy 1.8% of the team for $600,000 of borrowed money, and
was even made one of the two general managers. His qualifications for
partial ownership? Several years working at failing oil companies, and his
political connections through his father. It's hard to be sure, but we're
guessing that latter was probably more important.

Junior tripled his investment, like the other owners, with the help of
massive government intervention and subsidies. But his real wealth came from
simply being given 10% of the team as a "bonus" for "putting together the
investment team."
Even if he really had done that work, it's an absurd bonus ($12.2 million),
but the fact is that he didn't add much. Cincinatti financier William DeWitt
brought Bush in, not vice versa, shortly after George Bush Sr. was elected
president. (DeWitt had also invested in Junior's oil companies.). The only
investor Bush actually brought in was Roland Betts, a Yale fraternity
brother, and that wasn't good enough.

Under Junior's management, the deal was about to fall apart until baseball
commissioner Peter Uebberoth brought in another investment group led by Fort
Worth Billionaire Richard Rainwater and Dallas investor "Rusty" Rose. Since
the deal, both men have profited greatly from business with the Texas
administration of George Bush, Jr. Rose personally invested $3.2 million and
became the other general manager of the team. Under the team partnership
agreement, Bush Junior couldn't take any "material actions" wihtout Rose's
prior approval. There was also a method for removing Junior as a general
partner, but no way to remove Rose. Yet Rose's "bonus" for his role in
setting up the deal was less than half of Junior's.

What kind of owners would approve such a big payoff to Bush? In addition to
Rose and Rainwater, men with business pending before Texas government, the
owners included William DeWitt and Mercer Reynolds, major contributors to
President Bush who had also purchased Junior's failing oil company through
their Spectrum 7 Energy company.

If this deal doesn't smell bad enough already, consider Bush's blatant
hypocrisy. The main value of the team is its new stadium (ranked by
Financial World as the most profitable in baseball) and 300 acres of vacant
land the team owns between the stadium and 6 Flags of Texas, which is next
door.


Putting Tax Money into Bush's Pocket
The hypocritical part is, the private owners of this very valuable land
didn't want to sell. Bush and his partners gave them only a lowball offer,
and when it was rejected they arranged for a new government agency (the
Arlington Sports Facility Development Authority, or ASFDA) to condemn it for
them.

The agency foreclosed the land and paid the owners a very low price, later
judged by a jury to be only 1/6th of its actual value. The agency also
floated bonds, guaranteed and repaid by taxpayers, to finance the purchase.
This amounted to a $135 million subsidy for Bush and partners, compared with
the $80 million they paid for the franchise. Since they sold the entire
franchise for $250 million, it's easy to see whose money Bush and friends
pocketed.

The next time Junior talks about tax cuts, remember this: Arlinton had to
impose a new 1/2 cent sales tax just to pay for the subsidy Bush and his
partners received.

To add insult to injury, Bush and his partners continue to stiff the
taxpayers for $7.5 million they owe under the terms of the agreement. It
held that the team would pay all expenses over $135 million. The original
owners of just 13 of the acres sued the City of Arlington, saying that the
ASFDA had not paid a fair price for the land. The jury awarded them $7.5
million, but even though the project exceeded the $135 million limit, the
partners have refused to pay. Given their huge taxpayer subsidy and $170
million profits, it seems absurdly selfish.

George Bush, Jr. has said in campaign speeches "I will do everything I can
to defend the power of private property and private property rights when I
am the governor of this state." Apparently this deal was not covered by that
statement, since he wasn't governor yet.

He claims that he "wasn't aware of the details" of the land condemnations,
even though he was the team's managing general partner and has bragged about
personally getting the stadium built. But he told the Fort Worth
Star-Telegram in October 1990 that "The idea of making a land play,
absolutely, to plunk the field down in the middle of a big piece of land,
that's kind of always been the strategy."

And the key to their land play was always the strong arm of government. A
memo from Arlington real estate broker Mike Reilly to Rangers President Tom
Schieffer dated October 26, 1990 - the day before Bush's comment about the
land play - said "In this particular situation our first offer should be our
final offer ... If this fails, we will probably have to initiate
condemnation proceedings after the bond election passes."

On the first day of the 1993 campaign, Bush said "The best way to allocate
resources in our society is through the marketplace. Not through a governing
elite." Not through a private sports team buying in the President's son
cheap, and then getting the government to hand them extremely valuable land.


Party Hearty: Sex, Drugs, And Rock 'N Roll?
For almost half his life, Junior was distinguished mainly by his hearty
appetite for partying. A Newsweek profile by Evan Thomas, describing his
college years, says he "seems to have majored in beer drinking at the Deke
House." After he formed his first company (which failed), Thomas writes, "By
his own account, Bush spent a lot of time in bars, trying to sort out who he
was. He had a kind of ragged nervous energy in that period, and he could be
a bully."
The Bush family spin is that the governor quit drinking cold turkey on his
40th birthday, straightened out by the love of a good woman (his wife,
Laura.) They even pull out their secret weapon, lovable Barbara Bush, with
anecdotes about what a rascal little George Junior was.

But the explosive element here is not booze. It's sex, drugs and hypocrisy.
Frankly, it doesn't bother us if candidates have partied, even a lot. Who
wants a bunch of namby-pamby boy scouts running the country? But George Bush
Jr. makes a big point of travelling around the country and lecturing
students on staying celibate, sober and drug free. He does not permit the
option of partying hard until you're 40 and then stopping.

And as governor, he attacked his predecessor for allowing leniency toward
first-time drug users, and pushed a "no tolerance" policy that has sent
casual cocaine users -- who's dads aren't rich, or president -- to prison
for years. He even has the gall to proclaim that such users "need to know
that drug use has consequences." At least if you're from the wrong
neighborhood.


No Handcuffs or Dwarf Orgies
Junior is so worried about his past that he hired a private detective to
investigate himself. (I guess he can't remember what he did at those
parties, which tells you something right there.)
According to an unnamed insider quoted on MSNBC, Bush "isn't terribly
thrilled" about what they found, though no one is spilling the details
(yet). "No handcuffs or dwarf orgies, but he was a handsome, rich playboy
and lived that life," the insider said.

W is For Women: Bush volunteers to reporters that he has been faithful to
his wife. However, he was married at 31 and makes no claim of virginity
before that point, even as he lectures the youth of today to remain
celibate. A Clinton aide who was in Bush's class at Yale has already warned
him that "People who live in glass houses shouldn't throw stones."

We have received two credible reports from women who say they had affairs
with George Bush, Jr. One alleged affair took place after Bush was married,
on business trips to Los Angeles; in the other case, Bush was single but the
woman was married at the time. Neither woman is willing to go public with
further details, including their names, which is why we aren't publicizing
these incidents more, but in our editorial opinion they are credible, and
the details that these woman have provided check out.

Furthermore, porn publisher Larry Flynt has alleged that one Bush affair led
his then-girlfriend to have an abortion, and claims to have 5 affidavits
from friends of the woman and others supporting the claim. Again the woman
does not want to be named, which makes it hard to prove the claim, but you
can't really blame a lady for not wanting to be known as the "Bush abortion
girl." Flynt made this allegation on CNN. The host of the program actually
said "Now we at CNN don't want to be accused of censoring anybody...", yet
that is exactly what CNN did. They removed the show's transcript and links
from their web site days after the broadcast. You can still get details on
the incident at the Bush Watch web site. They have more details here.


COCAINE:
According to a new book, three independent sources close to the Bush family
report that Governor Bush was arrested in 1972 for cocaine possession, and
taken to Harris County Jail, but avoided jail or formal charges through an
informal diversion plan involving community service with Project P.U.L.L.,
an inner city Houston program for troubled youths at the Martin Luther King
Jr. Community Center in Houston's dirt-poor Third Ward. (In another new
book, reporter Bill Minutaglio, writes that the year of community service
was arranged by the Governor's father, ex-president Bush, after he caught
Bush Jr. driving drunk.)
That year certainly is out of character with the rest of Bush Jr.'s life.
Before and after 1972, he was a rich, hard drinking playboy. Suddenly, and
only that one time in his life, he worked for a liberal charity in an inner
city ghetto. As soon as the year was over, he resumed his previous pattern
and has done no charity work since.

The author of this new book, J. H. Thompson, has some interesting scandals
of his own. Of course, his own flaws don't disprove what Bush did or didn't
do, but the way Thompson has responded certainly undercuts his credibility.
First, he admitted to a reporter from Slate Magazine that he made up at
least one detail, that one of his informants spat tobacco into a styrofoam
cup during their (phone!) interview.

Then, reporters -- or perhaps Bush campaign operatives -- found that the
author apparently is an ex-convict, on parole for hiring a hit man to kill a
former boss. That doesn't mean he can't research, of course, but Thompson's
credibility suffered greatly as he claimed it was someone else, despite
incredible similarities between his resume -- including unexplained job gaps
during the prison years -- and confirmation from his parole officer that
indeed, the author named J. H. Thompson is the one who did time.

Bush Jr.'s Evasive Responses:

Bush has essentially admitted that he used cocaine in his Clintonesque,
carefully worded partial denials. He won't deny using cocaine or marijuana,
though under persistent questioning he said that he hadn't used cocaine in
the last 7 years. Most newspapers report that he denies using cocaine since
1974, but that's not exactly true.

That is the most favorable interpretation of what Bush said, but since Bush
and his campaign have already made Clintonesque denials on other issues, we
need to look at his words carefully.

What Bush actually said was ""I could have passed the [FBI] background check
on the standards applied on the most stringent conditions when my dad was
president of the United States - a 15-year period," Mr. Bush said. This is
ambiguous because background forms ask slightly different questions,
depending on the position. Drug questions can go back one year, seven years
or 10 years. Bush Jr. didn't have any formal position in his father's
administration, so which one applies is unclear. And 15-years is not one of
the choices.

Since Bush Sr.'s presidency began in January 1989, reporters assumed that
Jr. was denying drug use for 15 years before that, to 1974. But that is not
at all clear. His only direct statement was for seven years before today. He
could easily have been denying drug use only for 15 years before today,
based on 7 or 10 years dating back from the END of his dad's term. 10 years
before 1993, the end of Bush Sr.'s term, is pretty close to 15 years before
today.

The Clinton administration actually has a stricter standard than Bush did --
the FBI now asks about any drug use after age 18. But Governor Bush has
refused to say whether he would pass that standard, even though that is what
he will be asked if he wins. Bush also has refused to answer whether he
could have passed the FBI test when his father was vice president, during
the 8 years from 1981-1989.

As for the arrest and diversion charge, Governor Bush admits working at the
center in 1972. When asked for comment, Bush's campaign spokesman reportedly
said "Oh shit... no comment." McLellan denies saying that.

Bush's father, ex-president George Bush, denies the cocaine arrest charge,
and in yet another carefully worded denial, Bush said ""It's totally
ridiculous what he suggested and it's not true."

You'll recall that President Clinton made a very similar statement about
Gennifer Flower's allegations of an affair, during the 1992 campaign. Later,
when he had to testify under oath, it turned out that he was denying that
all of the details of the story were true, not whether an affair had
occurred or any specific details (many of which were accurate).

Similarly, Bush himself does not deny being caught with cocaine, or having
performed community service. Bush's campaign spokesman has now denied that
Bush was ever arrested on any drug charge.

The director of the center, Madgelean Bush (no relation), also denies the
reports. However, her center is dependent on Texas state money, and the
director, who grew up poor but has amassed several houses around the center
while running it, allowed Governor Bush to use the center for a photo
opportunity earlier this year.

The Bush campaign also produced Carol Vance, who was the Democratic District
Attorney in Harris County in 1972, to say that there was no diversion
program in that year, nor were there any Republican judges (as Hatfield's
book states.)

Rock and Roll: Bush keeps a picture of himself with two members of ZZ Top,
but does not play the song "Tube Snake Boogie" during his celibacy lectures.
We have found no evidence to support the the most explosive allegation so
far; that Bush played air guitar to a Foghat record at a party in the late
1970s. But he won't deny it, either.

When pressed on the hypocrisy issue, he speaks to hypocritical baby boomer
parents everywhere: "If I were you, I wouldn't tell your kids that you
smoked pot unless you want 'em to smoke pot. I think it's important for
leaders, and parents, not to send mixed signals. I don't want some kid
saying, 'Well, Governor Bush tried it.'"

It's amazing enough that he openly defends hypocrisy, but his own signals
are very mixed. When allowed to imply that he is just another manly,
hard-drinking rapscallion, Bush seizes the opportunity. "When I was young
and irresponsible, I was really young and irresponsible," he often says. He
even hints at pot smoking, as in the above quote, and why not? Everyone from
his likely opponent Al Gore to Newt Gingrich has admitted smoking pot.

But Junior wants it both ways. When the deadly rumor of cocaine use
surfaces, he retreats to his high-minded rhetoric about not giving mixed
messages. If he thinks he can skate to the presidency without either his
right-wing foes or embittered Clintonistas pushing his past into the
limelight, then he really IS on drugs.


Sources
The Bush Watch (web site), an opinionated, well-researched and reasonably
fair (though blatantly liberal) anti-Bush site. http://www.bushwatch.com
"The Sons Also Rise", by Evan Thomas, Newsweek, November 16, 1998 p44-8

"Like Most, I'm Amazed" (Bush interview with Howard Fineman), Newsweek,
November 16, 1998

"Another Bush Contemplates Run for Presidency", by Sue Anne Pressley
(Washington Post news service), San Francisco Chronicle, May 12, 1997 pA5

"The Bush Brothers", by Howard Fineman, Newsweek, November 2, 1998 p30-33


Drunk Driving Sources
George Bush's Arrest Record, Fox News Website, November 3, 20000

Bush's Driving License Suspension Record, The Smoking Gun website, November
3, 2000

"No arrests after '68, Bush told paper", By Wayne Slater and Pete Slover ,
The Dallas Morning News, 11/03/2000

Bush lied about his arrest, a reporter says", by Jake Tapper, Salon
Magazine, November 3, 2000

Court hearing: "Bush downplayed drinking", by Stephen A. Kurkjian and David
Armstrong, Boston Globe, 11/4/2000 pA11 "Bush Admits 1976 DUI Arrest; Dem
Delegate Made Disclosure", Fox News Website, November 3, 2000

"Bush Admits He Drove While Drunk", The Oregonian, November 3, 2000 pA19

"Bush Still leads, but Key States Buoy Gore: Disclosure of DUI for GOP
Candidate is Late Disruption", by Jackie Calmes and Jeanne Cummings, The
Wall Street Journal, November 3, 2000 pA22

Interview with Thomas Connolly, (the lawyer who revealed the conviction),
Fox TV News, November 3, 2000, 12:00 PST

"What Is George Dubya Hiding?", by Linda Starr and Bev Conover, The Online
Journal, June 4, 1999

Yelling at reporter -- from The Economist, July 29, 2000 p21


Quote Sources
Two good general sources for funky Bush quotes are "The Complete Bushisms",
compiled by Jacob Weissberg, SLATE web site and The Bush Watch: Bushisms, by
Jerry Politex (both ongoing).
"vampires": "At Night, Bush-Speak Goes Into Overdrive," By FRANK BRUNI, New
York Times, August 19, 2001

"feather my nest": "Business associates profit during Bush's term as
governor" by R. G. Ratcliffe, Houston Chronicle, August 16, 1998 pA1

Divider: "Bush Muffs Letterman's Late-Night Opportunity", By CARYN JAMES,
New York Times, March 2, 2000

"Who goes to heaven":"Bush fields questions about faith upon return from
trip to Israel" by Clay Robison, The Houston Chronicle, December 3, 1998

"More money than I ever dreamed": quoted in "The Governor's Sweetheart
Deal", by Robert Bryce, The Texas Observer, January 30, 1998


Thin Skin Sources
"New York GOP leaders eye surrender in anti-McCain effort" By MARC HUMBERT
(Associated Press), on the CNN web site, February 3, 2000

"Bush Criticizes Web Site as Malicious", by Wayne Slater, Dallas Morning
News, May 22, 1999

"Governor Rips Web Site Parody", Associated Press, May 21, 1999

"Bush Campaign Tries to Limit Internet Attacks", by Alan Elsner, Reuters
News Serviec (on Yahoo! web site), May 19, 1999

"4 protesters arrested at Governor 's Mansion" by R.G. RATCLIFFE, Houston
Chronicle, April 20, 1999 Section A Page 13 Metfront. 3 STAR edition

"Activists to challenge policy against protest gatherings near the
Governor's Mansion", by Jay Root, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, May 25, 1999


Avoiding Vietnam (and National Guard Favoritism) Sources
Here is an excellent web site with actual photos of the military documents
from Bush's career: http://www.cis.net/~coldfeet/document.htm

"2 Democrats: Bush Let Guard Down", By George Lardner Jr. and Howard Kurtz,
Washington Post, November 3, 2000; Page A22

Questions remain on Bush's service as Guard pilot , By Walter V. Robinson,
Boston Globe, 10/31/2000, pA14

"1-Year gap in Bush's Guard duty", by Walter Robinson, Boston Globe, May 23,
2000

"Ex-Lawmaker Says He Helped Bush Join the Guard in Vietnam War", by Jim
Yardley, New York Times, September 27, 1999

"Barnes moves to block questions about Bush, Guard", by Ken Herman, Austin
American-Statesman, September 9, 1999

"Records of Bush's Ala. Military Duty Can't Be Found", by Wayne Slater,
Dallas Morning News, June 26, 2000 pA06

"Friends: Barnes was asked to help get Bush in Guard", by George Kuempel and
Pete Slover, Dallas Morning News, Sept. 8, 1999

"Texas Speaker Reportedly Helped Bush Get Into Guard", by George Lardner,
Jr., Washington Post, Setember 21, 1999 pA04

"Bush's Air Guard career an unusually easy flight", by Richard Serrano, Los
Angeles Times (reprinted in the San Francisco Chronicle), July 4, 1999 pA-6

"At Height of Vietnam, Graduate Picks Guard", by George Lardner Jr. and Lois
Romano, Washington Post, July 28, 1999 pA01

"Bush flies into an air force cocaine cloud", by Tom Rhodes, The London
Sunday Times, June 18, 2000

"Ex-Pol at Center of Bush Flap", by Michael Holmes (AP), Washington Post,
September 8, 1999

"Barnes says he urged Guard slot for Bush", by Pete Slover and George
Kuempel, Dallas Morning News, September 29, 1999

"Adviser asked Barnes to recall Guard details before Bush joined race", by
Pete Slover and George Kuempel, Dallas Morning News, September 26, 1999

"Bush Worked Campaign While in Guard", by Chris Williams (AP), Washington
Post, May 23, 2000 "Gtech settles Littwin lawsuit", by Ken Herman, Austin
American-Statesman, October 30, 1999 Gtech paid Littwin $300,000 and got a
strict confidentiality agreement from him.


Funeralgate Sources
"Surprise Testimony in Texas: New questions are raised in a politically
charged Texas lawsuit", Newsweek, October 30, 2000
"The Funeral Home Flap: Trouble for a Texas Mortician with links to the Bush
Family", by Michael Isikoff, Newsweek, August 16, 1999

"Bush Affidavit Refuted", by Janet Elliot, Law News Network, August 16, 1999

"Funeral company hopeful after takeover " By Juan B. Elizondo Jr., Austin
American-Statesman, Wednesday, August 18, 1999

"Governor's role questioned in funeral agency oversight: Bush's office
rejects call for legislative control", By George Kuempel , The Dallas
Morning News, August 8, 1999

"Bush Watch Special: Dubya and The Gravedigger", by Jerry Politex, The Bush
Watch Website (ongoing)

Scandal Timeline, Austin Chronicle, ongoing


Insider Deal Sources
"Business associates profit during Bush's term as governor" by R. G.
Ratcliffe, Houston Chronicle, August 16, 1998 pA1
"How Bush REALLY Made His Millions", by Jerry Politex, The Bush Watch Web
Site, ongoing

"Who is David Edwards?", by Micah Morrison, The Wall Street Journal, March
1, 1995

"The Governor's Sweetheart Deal", by Robert Bryce, The Texas Observer,
January 30, 1998

"Bush's Big Score", by Robert Bryce, The Dallas Observer, February 9, 1998

"Bush's Free Ride", by Stuart Eskenazi, Dallas Observer, October 29, 1998

"Good Connections: Family Ties helped fund oil venture that began Bush's
business career", by Richard Oppel Jr. and George Kuemple, Dallas Morning
News, November 16, 1998

"Whitewashing the Bush Boys", by Stephen Pizzo, Mother Jones, March-April
1994

"Family Value$", by Stephen Pizzo, Mother Jones, September-October 1992

"Diamond Brilliance: Bush mastered art of he deal in building his baseball
fortune", by R. G. Ratcliffe, Houston Chronicle, August 16, 1998 pA19

"The Family that Preys Together", by Jack Colhoun, "Covert Action Quarterly,
#41, Summer 1992

"Downloading the Bush Files", by Michael King, Texas Observer, November 1998


Corruption Sources
"State agency official convicted of bribery: She peddled influence for cut
of business", by ARMANDO VILLAFRANCA, Houston Chronicle, November 2, 2000

"Tit for tat? How the Texas brothers who secretyly funded attack ads against
McCain have made millions managing state money under the Bush administration
in Austin," by Joe Conason, Salon.com, March 6, 2000

"Business associates profit during Bush's term as governor" by R. G.
Ratcliffe, Houston Chronicle, August 16, 1998 pA1

"Secrecy Cloaks $1.7 billion in UT Investments: Board puts money in funds
run by trustees, friends of trustees", by R.G. Ratliffe, The Houston
Chronicle, March 20, 1999

"How Bush REALLY Made His Millions", by Jerry Politex, The Bush Watch Web
Site, ongoing

"Who is David Edwards?", by Micah Morrison, The Wall Street Journal, March
1, 1995

"The Governor's Sweetheart Deal", by Robert Bryce, The Texas Observer,
January 30, 1998

"Bush's Big Score", by Robert Bryce, The Dallas Observer, February 9, 1998

"Downloading the Bush Files", by Michael King, Texas Observer, November 1998

"Richard Rainwater: The invisible man behind one of the year's biggest
deals", by John Morthland, Texas Monthly, September 1996

"Auditor Withheld Findings on State Housing Agency", by Craig Flournoy,
Dallas Morning News, February 18, 1999

"Capitol Report: Housing Officials Under Fire", Austin American Statesman,
February 3, 1999


Sex, Drugs and Rock 'N Roll Sources
"The smut monger's scoop", by Harley Sorenson, San Francisco Examiner,
October 30, 2000

"Fortunate Son: George W. Bush and the Making of an American President", by
J. H. Hatfield, St. Martin's Press, 1999 (withdrawn)

First Son : George W. Bush and the Bush Family Dynasty, by Bill Minutaglio,
Times Books, 1999

Bush denies allegation of '72 drug arrest in book, By Michael Kranish,
Boston Globe, 10/20/99 pA10

Bush Adds to Drug Use Statement", Dallas Morning News, August 20, 1999

Busting Bush's Biographer, by Jacob Weisberg, Slate Magazine, Oct. 19, 1999

< a
href="http://www.slate.com/code/BallotBox/BallotBox.asp?Show=10/22/99&idMess
age=3871">"Fortunate Son Revisited", by Jacob Weisberg, Slate Magazine, Oct.
22, 1999

"Author alleging Bush drug arrest reportedly a felon: He denies being Texas
convict, says similar names led to mistake", By Pete Slover, The Dallas
Morning News, October 21, 1999

"George W. Bush, the dirt digger" by Jeannette Walls, MSNBC's "The Scoop"
gossip column.


GOP insiders have privately confirmed to The Skeleton Closet that Bush hired
the private detective, and that he was a very sexy and highly sexed
bachelor.


"Bush, looking at D.C., sees a 'sullied process'", Austin
American-Statesman, September 16, 1998

"The Sons Also Rise", by Evan Thomas, Newsweek, November 16, 1998 p44-8

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