Ivo Skoric on Wed, 22 May 2002 02:21:19 +0200 (CEST)


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<nettime> the will for power


For better or worse, the will for power is still the primary directive in 
life of every politician. In Vukovar, the town destroyed by Yugoslav 
Army and Serb paramilitary forces in 1991, ruling Croatian 
nationalist party - HDZ - found itself short of votes, and short of 
partners for coalition, so it found them in the rival Serb nationalist 
party, SDS. Uniquely, both parties advocate apartheid - separation 
of their respective Croat and Serb constituencies. Yet, when it 
comes to preserving their political power, they found the way to co-
operate and overcome the paradox of their disparate political 
platforms. This all comes with a touch of post-Yugoslav irony: both 
parties defend their unlikely power-sharing agreement by saying 
that they are just honoring the Constitution, which requires equal 
representation of both ethnic groups. Of course, HDZ conveniently 
noticed the Constitution only recently - when it run out of the 
possible hard-core right-wing Croat nationalist coalition partners, 
that grew disgusted with its political shenanigans over time. What's 
next? A Hamas-Likud coalition in Jerusalem?
ivo
ps - if such power-sharing agreement was worked out in 1991 - 
maybe Vukovar would still look like it looked in 1990...


CROATIA: OLD ENEMIES SHARE POWER IN VUKOVAR

Political necessity forces Croat and Serb nationalist parties to 
agree to unlikely pact.

By Drago Hedl in Vukovar

Vukovar, devastated by the Yugoslav army in the early Nineties, 
has become the scene for an unlikely power-sharing agreement 
between bitter political foes - the Croatian Democratic Union, HDZ, 
and the Independent Democratic Serbian Party, SDSS.

The town's previous local administration collapsed in April, when the
HDZ's coalition partners walked out in protest at the party's 
dominance.
This left it with a difficult choice - call new elections or share power
with archenemies, the SDSS. Fearful of losing seats in any new 
poll, the HDZ opted for the latter.

For Vukovar, where national divisions are deeply entrenched, so 
much so that a kind of apartheid system exists, this was a 
remarkable event - especially since the HDZ and SDSS insist on 
separation between the two peoples.

In the May 2001 local elections the HDZ won ten seats and the 
SDSS eight.
At that time, neither would have countenanced any sort of pact.

The HDZ formed a coalition with the extreme right Croatian Party of
Rights, HSP, an open supporter of Croatia's World War Two fascist
Ustashe government, and the Democratic Centre, DC, formed by 
Mate Granic, a close associate of late Croatian president Franjo 
Tudjman, which has much in common with the nationalist HDZ.

Under such a Croat nationalist dominated coalition, Serbs were
effectively excluded from local government, in flagrant breach of 
constitutional regulations passed in October 2000 to protect 
minority rights.

Under the constitution, national minorities are guaranteed
representation at municipal level in "proportion to their number 
amongst the local population". Serbs make up half of Vukovar's 
population.

The HDZ and SDSS claim their new power-sharing agreement is in 
response to these constitutional requirements. But fearful of 
alienating their respective voters, both are eager to refute any talk 
of a coalition.

"There is no coalition between the HDZ and the SDSS. Legislation
concerning minority rights is only being honoured. The SDSS has 
been fighting for months to have it implemented," said Branko 
Sekuljica, the Serb party member and newly elected deputy mayor 
of Vukovar.

Philip Karaula, HDZ member and president of the Vukovar 
assembly, was just as keen to point out the constitutional 
imperatives. " Vukovar is a town with a substantial Serbian 
minority. They gained a third of overall parliamentary seats at the 
last election. According to the law, they have the right to 
participate in the local government."

Prior to the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1991 and the ensuing war, 
Vukovar was one of the country's most developed municipalities. 
But today quarter of the working population is unemployed.

Local people, be they Croat or Serb, have had enough of 
warmongering and division. They want a better life.

"It's good they've agreed at last," said Mile Jovanovic, a Serb market
trader. "Hopefully, it will be easier for us. Life is difficult in
Vukovar. There is no work, no salaries. People can hardly make 
ends meet."

While reconstruction of the city is going well, the economy is in dire
straits. The Borovo factory, for example, which used to employ 
some 20,000 people in the manufacture of rubber and shoes, now 
employs only 100. The plant is in ruins and the state cannot afford 
to rebuild it.

The lack of jobs and opportunity in the city is one of the main 
reasons why so few displaced Croats have returned. Only 10,000 
or so have come home - about half of those who fled. Of the town's 
12,000 Serbs, large numbers are pensioners. Many, although 
registered in the town, actually live in Serbia, returning only to 
collect their pensions.

Political necessity, and not an awareness of the need for 
cooperation, has brought about the new power-sharing agreement.

People remain scarred by the war. The destruction and physical 
suffering wrought by the conflict was horrific and mutual mistrust 
between the communities remains enormous. Nevertheless, the 
fact that Croat and Serb politicians now find themselves forced to 
work together is an encouraging development.

Drago Hedl is an independent Croatian journalist.

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